BANGKOK — Thailand’s political landscape shifted dramatically Wednesday as the People’s Party—holding the most parliamentary seats—chose to back Bhumjaithai Party leader Anutin Charnvirakul for 32nd Prime Minister rather than support the ruling Pheu Thai Party. The decision forced Pheu Thai to abandon its bid to dissolve parliament, with the prime ministerial vote now scheduled for September 5.
Royal Endorsement Blocked
The Office of the Privy Council, which screens documents for royal consideration, returned the draft Royal Decree to dissolve parliament to the Cabinet Secretary on September 3. The letter stated the submission did not follow proper procedures because it involved conflicting legal questions about whether a caretaker government could request parliamentary dissolution.
The Council of State’s Secretary-General also ruled that caretaker governments cannot submit such decrees, blocking the document from royal endorsement.
Meanwhile, a New Democrat Party MP filed criminal charges against caretaker Prime Minister Phumtham Wechayachai under Article 112—the lese-majeste law carrying severe penalties—for drafting the royal submission. This law remains controversial as critics argue it’s frequently used as a political tool to eliminate opponents.
Broader Political Realignment
These developments reveal that Pheu Thai won’t lose this political game alone. The People’s Party, known as the “orange party,” chose to align with the “blue party” Bhumjaithai, creating unexpected political fault lines.
Democracy activists and human rights advocates who support the People’s Party, including those imprisoned or exiled for demanding Article 112 reforms, have posted strong opposition to this decision. They argue it contradicts everything the party claims to fight for by supporting a blue party that has consistently defended Article 112.
Questions Over Party Logic
Despite the People’s Party’s lengthy statement explaining their choice of Bhumjaithai to expedite parliamentary dissolution, they couldn’t answer why they rejected supporting Pheu Thai’s candidate Chaikasem Nitisiri, who shared similar goals of quick dissolution and urgent constitutional reform of the 2017 charter—a legacy of the military coup era.
Critics across the political spectrum accuse the People’s Party executive committee of seeking revenge against Pheu Thai for abandoning them during government formation after the 2023 election.
Historical Context and Grudges
Pheu Thai has repeatedly explained that all their MPs voted twice for Pita Limjaroenrat, the Move Forward Party’s (now People’s Party) sole candidate. However, Move Forward failed to secure enough support from senators or even fellow MPs from Bhumjaithai, who declared they would support Move Forward only if they withdrew their Article 112 reform policy.
When the top party refused to compromise, second-place Pheu Thai formed a cross-coalition government, leaving the largest party in opposition.
Since then, supporters of both parties have been bitterly divided despite both supporting democratic principles. People’s Party MPs often insist they are more resolute and ideologically consistent—a stance now being severely tested by their decision to support Bhumjaithai.
Activist Opposition
Prominent fugitive activist Parit Chiwarak posted on Facebook: “I agree that Pheu Thai’s broken promise was very serious, and people will punish them. However, that’s not reason to join hands with Anutin and Bhumjaithai. Supporting them is like giving wings to a tiger—granting them full state power and resources as Prime Minister. After you vote for them, they will betray you and use that power against you, the People’s Party, and the entire democracy movement.”
The Numbers Game
According to Thai media analysis, Bhumjaithai’s minority government will control 146 seats out of nearly 500 MPs, including 58 defectors from the government side. With People’s Party’s additional 143 votes, Anutin will become prime minister with 289 parliamentary votes.
People’s Party leader Natthaphong Ruengpanyawut said that after the prime ministerial vote, his party will serve as opposition to monitor the government without joining it, honoring their agreement with Bhumjaithai to either dissolve parliament within four months or urgently push constitutional amendment drafts establishing an elected Constitution Drafting Assembly process.
Limited Leverage
Yet analysts argue this agreement doesn’t give the People’s Party superior leverage over the new government’s direction. Instead, they must bear responsibility for choosing Bhumjaithai and Anutin as prime minister, facing accountability if future developments disappoint or alienate their supporters.
The realignment reveals how strategic calculations and historical grievances continue to fracture Thailand’s democratic coalition, with both major progressive parties now facing consequences for their choices.
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