BANGKOK — The cabinet led by the 38-year-old Prime Minister and mother of two, Paetongtarn Shinawatra, held its first meeting on Saturday morning, September 7, following a group photo with 35 ministers in front of the Government House under the blazing sun.

During this photo session, the youngest Prime Minister in Thai history asked her cabinet members after the official shot, “Can we have a mini-heart photo?” to make a hand gesture symbolizing love, typical of young people.

This aligns with her response to media questions during last year’s campaign when asked what it would be like if Paetongtarn became Prime Minister. She replied, “It would probably be a colorful Prime Minister.”

Paetongtarn’s assumption of office, succeeding Srettha Thavisin as another candidate from the Pheu Thai Party, has received both congratulations from supporters and critical comments, ranging from sarcasm to contempt, due to her being the daughter of Thaksin Shinawatra, one of the most loved and hated former Prime Ministers.

Protest and Strong Words

The first anti-Shinawatra government protest took place on Saturday afternoon, just hours after the new government held a Cabinet meeting. Protesters at the Oct 14 Monument called for people to stop the Shinawatra family from controlling Thailand, with the slogan “Stop the Shinawatra Regime and Family Cabinet.”

Paetongtarn’s cabinet has been criticized as a “Family Cabinet” after at least two ministers from Srettha’s time had to withdraw and appoint their family members as ministers in Paetongtarn’s government. This was a consequence of Srettha having to leave the Prime Minister position due to appointing individuals with questionable backgrounds as ministers.

Therefore, when Sabida Thaised, daughter of Chada, who is viewed as a person of local influence, became Deputy Minister of Interior, and Akkhara Prompao, brother of Thammanat who was previously convicted in a drug case in Australia, it further emphasized Paetongtarn’s rise to Prime Minister with the image of former PM Thaksin in the background.

Not only did anti-Thaksin groups who previously supported the coup attack Paetongtarn’s government with these words, but pro-People’s Party progressive groups also used even harsher sarcastic terms, calling this cabinet the “Hereditary Cabinet.”

The term ‘Hereditary’ used to describe the cabinet comes from the Thai drama series on Netflix called ‘Master of the House’, which tells the story of the dark side of members of a particular family.

Paetongtarn once responded to media questions about this nickname, saying, “Oh!, that’s strong words,” before calmly countering with the explanation that “Being a family or whatever is not a disadvantage. It’s more about motivation for each other. Seeing one person work for the country this way, another family member is also motivated.”

When the media asked about the “Thaksin regime” again on her first day of work, the female Prime Minister replied, “I will no longer answer questions about Mr. Thaksin because we must move forward. Good visions, regardless of who they come from or how old they are, are beneficial. So, that’s all I’ll say on this matter.”

She also commented on the anti-Thaksin movements, which have already indicated they will use legal means against her, saying, “Have some pity on the Prime Minister. My children are still young. Don’t file too many lawsuits. Sometimes, don’t give too much importance to small matters. My position as Prime Minister is not ready to oppress anyone, but ready to listen and ready to respect and honor each other.”

She stated that the first meeting was for the government to prepare explanations for questions about the policy statement to be delivered to Parliament on September 12-13. Most policies are a continuation of the Srettha Thavisin government, with major issues transformed into urgent policies, such as debt restructuring, assistance for SMEs, economic stimulation, and support for vulnerable groups.

Most Visible Challenge

Prab Boonpan, columnist for “Good Things Exist” in Matichon Weekly, considers what the biggest and most visible challenge for this government is.

Everyone would probably give similar answers that the biggest challenge for Paetongtarn’s government, continuing from Srettha Thavisin’s government, is to come in and work on rehabilitating Thailand, which has “stopped developing” or has been “frozen” for nearly a decade.

The bureaucratic system has expanded and become deeply rooted, but moves with difficulty. The economic sector is still struggling to find new ways forward or maintain its current state with the old production system. The education system is not developing people fast enough to keep up with technological changes and competition in the global community.

Meanwhile, politics lacks stability due to constitutional traps and the deeply entangled power mechanisms of independent organizations.

To put it bluntly, all sectors mentioned above (which are equally ill) are in dire need of major reforms across the board and cannot avoid change.

The government and national leaders who must take on the responsibility of “leading” this country reform process must therefore be courageous, determined, intelligent, and highly knowledgeable.

If the first challenge of Paetongtarn’s government is related to the unclear future ahead, the second challenge may be related to the past way of life, which still influences the present to some extent.

As many people are well aware of the truth that “history” rarely repeats itself exactly, “history” is also a lesson – a reminder that helps us always avoid old “mistakes.”

Overcome the Vicious Cycle

The current cycle of political power in Thailand reminds many people of the situation after the 2006 coup, comparing the end of Srettha Thavisin’s term as Prime Minister to the case of Samak Sundaravej’s departure from office.

From this perspective, it’s worrying that PM Paetongtarn might face heavy, violent, and rapid karmic retribution, no less than former PM Somchai Wongsawat.

However, there is a fairly reasonable counterargument that the context has changed significantly in recent years. At the very least, the network of military leaders who once played a crucial role in establishing a “civilian government in military camps” and were responsible for the crackdown on Red Shirts during 2009-2010 have mostly stepped down from power.

Those who refuse to step down have less credit, credibility, and power with each passing day.

Similarly, politicians who once had the image of being “good people on the democracy side” but chose to obstruct political parties that won elections by collaborating with powers outside the system, to the point of deciding to use violence against citizens in the capital, have all lost their dignity and prestige (both at national and local levels).

Meanwhile, the various colored-shirt masses have also weakened considerably and are left with only hardcore groups, in a situation where their political leaders have turned to reconciliation, reconciling, and overcoming conflicts together.

Nevertheless, apart from the changes in the surrounding characters, another force that will push “Paetongtarn Shinawatra’s government” to fully overcome the vicious cycle of Thai politics must inevitably be the “strong and firm will” that aims to change this country into a better society for the majority of citizens.

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