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Watch Watch: Seven Bling Timepieces and Counting

Images: CSI LA / Facebook

BANGKOK — The daily drip-drop, tick-tock revelations about a top junta official’s collection of spendy watches continues with a sixth and seventh timepiece spotted.

By Friday, amateur sleuths had discovered two more luxury watches worn in past photos by Gen. Prawit Wongsuwan, the junta’s second-in-command who also serves as defense minister and deputy prime minister. In the three weeks since the first multi-million baht watch was spotted earlier this month, the general has refused to answer questions about the bling timepieces, none of which were listed in his mandatory asset disclosure filed upon taking office.

Today the crowd-sourced CSI LA page identified a seventh watch as a Patek Philippe Grand Complications, model 5140J-001 in yellow gold. It starts at retail for 2.9 million baht. Patek Philippe says the Yellow Gold variety was a limited edition no longer in production. Some disputed the claim, saying it was in fact a Patek Philippe Gold Perpetual Calendar 3970, which retails for 3.6 million baht.

PRAWATCH7.PNDPrawit was seen wearing what appears to be the watch in a file newspaper file photo this past April.

That discovery came a day after a sixth fancy watch was identified by the page as a Rolex Yacht-Master with automatic black dial and an 18 karat Everose gold black rubber strap. The model retails for a relatively modest 887,700 baht at Central Chidlom. The Rolex was seen another April story announcing the general’s appointment to the presidency of the National Olympic Committee of Thailand.

Despite 72-year-old Prawit’s possession of what seems to be closing on at least 15 million baht’s worth of high-end wrist accessories, there was skepticism that potential wrongdoing would be properly investigated and punished if found.

“We can’t touch him,” Facebook user Akkarapol Prabpech commented one of the the CSI LA posts. “We just have to wait for his blood vessels to clog up his arteries and diabetes to eat him up.”

Prawit, a career military man, was given until Jan. 8 by the National Anti-Corruption Commission to explain how he came into possession of the expensive items.

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Anger With China Drives Uighurs to Syrian War

Uighurs living in Turkey and Turkish supporters chant slogans on July 5, 2015, as they hold a Chinese flag before burning it during a protest near China's consulate in Istanbul. Photo: Lefteris Pitarakis / Associated Press
Uighurs living in Turkey and Turkish supporters chant slogans on July 5, 2015, as they hold a Chinese flag before burning it during a protest near China's consulate in Istanbul. Photo: Lefteris Pitarakis / Associated Press

ISTANBUL — It was mid-afternoon when the Chinese police officers barged into Ali’s house set against cotton fields outside the ancient Silk Road trading post of Kashgar. The Uighur farmer and his cowering parents watched them rummage through the house until they found two books in his bedroom – a Quran and a handbook on dealing with interrogations.

Ali knew he was in trouble.

By nightfall the next day, Ali had been tied against a tree and beaten by interrogators trying to force him to say he took part in an ethnic riot that killed dozens in western China. They held burning cigarette tips to Ali’s face, deprived him of sleep and offered him only salt water. When he asked for fresh water, they gave it to him – in buckets poured over his head.

Residents stroll by shops in the immigrant neighborhood of Zeytinburnu. Since 2013, thousands of Uighurs, a Turkic-speaking Muslim minority from western China, have traveled to Syria to train and fight alongside al-Qaida, playing key roles in several battles. Photo: Emrah Gurel / Associated Press
Residents stroll by shops in the immigrant neighborhood of Zeytinburnu. Since 2013, thousands of Uighurs, a Turkic-speaking Muslim minority from western China, have traveled to Syria to train and fight alongside al-Qaida, playing key roles in several battles. Photo: Emrah Gurel / Associated Press

That winter night in 2009, Ali recalled years later, would set him on a path that ended on northern Syria’s smoldering plains, where he picked up a Kalashnikov rifle under the black flag of jihad and dreamed of launching attacks against the Chinese rulers of his homeland.

Since 2013, thousands of Uighurs, a Turkic-speaking Muslim minority from western China, have traveled to Syria to train with the Uighur militant group Turkistan Islamic Party and fight alongside al-Qaida, playing key roles in several battles. Syrian President Bashar Assad’s troops are now clashing with Uighur fighters as the six-year conflict nears its endgame.

But the end of Syria’s war may be the beginning of China’s worst fears.

“We didn’t care how the fighting went or who Assad was,” said Ali, who would only give his first name out of a fear of reprisals against his family back home. “We just wanted to learn how to use the weapons and then go back to China.”

Uighur militants have killed hundreds, if not thousands, in attacks inside China in a decades-long insurgency that initially targeted police and other symbols of Chinese authority but in recent years also included civilians. Extremists with knives killed 33 people at a train station in 2014. Abroad, they bombed the Chinese embassy in Kyrgyzstan in September last year; in 2014, they killed 25 people in an attack on a Bangkok shrine popular with Chinese tourists.

China is just like the West, its officials say: the country is a victim of terror, and Uighur men are pulled by global jihadi ideology rather than driven by grievances at home. Muslims in the Uighur homeland of Xinjiang, as one Chinese official declared in August, “are the happiest in the world.”

But rare and extensive Associated Press interviews with nine Uighurs who had left China to train and fight in Syria showed that Uighurs don’t neatly fit the profile of foreign fighters answering the call of jihad.

There was a police trainer who journeyed thousands of miles with his wife and children to Syria, a war zone. A farmer who balked at fundamentalist Islam even though he charged into battle alongside al-Qaida. A shopkeeper who prayed five times a day and then at night huddled with others in a ruined Syrian neighborhood to study Zionist history.

And there was Ali, a short, soft-spoken 30-year-old with a primary school education who knew little of the world beyond his 35-acre farm when he left China, a home that had become unlivable.

Sitting cross-legged one recent evening in an empty apartment overlooking a kickboxing gym in Istanbul, he recalled the vow he made the night Chinese police beat him for participating in a riot he never joined.

“I’ll get revenge,” he said.

Self-Fulfilling Prophecy

A man reads a book on Dec. 14 in a bookstore where flags which represents Turkey and 'East Turkistan,' the name Uighurs who oppose Chinese rule call their homeland, are hung in Istanbul's Zeytinburnu neighborhood. Photo: Emrah Gurel / Associated Press
A man reads a book on Dec. 14 in a bookstore where flags which represents Turkey and ‘East Turkistan,’ the name Uighurs who oppose Chinese rule call their homeland, are hung in Istanbul’s Zeytinburnu neighborhood.
Photo: Emrah Gurel / Associated Press

Ali’s parents eventually got him out of detention – but it cost them CNY10,000 (50,000 baht) in bribes to local officials, no small amount for the family of farmers.

Despite his release, Ali was not free.

It was late 2009, and Xinjiang was in lockdown. Four months earlier, hundreds of Uighurs had rioted in Urumqi, the capital of Xinjiang, and attacked the Han, China’s dominant ethnic group. An estimated 200 people died in the unrest that night, the bloodiest ethnic violence the country had seen in decades and an event that would change Ali’s life and that of 10 million Uighurs in Xinjiang.

The government, caught off-guard by the unrest, rolled out an expansive security crackdown and surveillance programs in the region that have accelerated in the last year. Thousands of Uighurs, including moderate Uighur intellectuals, are believed to have been arrested or detained, some of them without trial.

Ali was constantly stopped and questioned wherever he went. He couldn’t check into a hotel, buy a train ticket or get a passport.

“I had nowhere to go,” he said. “Except out.”

As the repression mounted, what began as a trickle of Uighurs fleeing China grew into a mass exodus. In 2013, more than 10,000 left across southern China’s porous borders, according to Uighur exiles. Nearly all the Uighurs who spoke to the AP after returning to Turkey from Syria recounted being persecuted by Chinese authorities as a motive for taking up arms.

“The Chinese government had been accusing Uighurs of militancy for a long time when there hasn’t been much of a threat,” said Sean R. Roberts, an expert on Uighur issues at George Washington University. “That changed after the 2009 crackdown. It’s become a self-fulfilling prophecy.”

Uighurs living in Turkey and their supporters, some carrying coffins representing Uighurs who died in China's far-western Xinjiang region, chant slogans July 4, 2015, at a protest in Istanbul against what they call China's oppression of Muslim Uighurs. Photo: Emrah Gurel / Associated Press
Uighurs living in Turkey and their supporters, some carrying coffins representing Uighurs who died in China’s far-western Xinjiang region, chant slogans July 4, 2015, at a protest in Istanbul against what they call China’s oppression of Muslim Uighurs. Photo: Emrah Gurel / Associated Press

Escape and Road to Syria

Desperate to leave China, Ali paid more than 100,000 yuan ($15,000) to human smugglers and made his way overland through Laos, Cambodia, Thailand and Malaysia, where he received a Turkish travel document.

In Turkey, Ali drifted in Istanbul, working construction and electrical jobs for $300 a month. Within two months, his brother said he had met people who could take them to Syria, where they could learn weapons training and return to China to “liberate” their friends and family.

“We’ll avenge our relatives being tortured in Chinese jail,” he said.

Ali agreed, thinking they would go for a few weeks. They ended up spending two-and-a-half years in Syria.

The story of how Ali ended up in a distant war zone echoed the experiences of other Uighurs the AP spoke to in Turkey, who said they joined religious militant groups at first because of grievances against Beijing or support for the idea of a Uighur nation. Most knew little about political Islam that fueled jihadis in other countries, and none said they met with recruiters inside China.

But that changed as soon as they left China’s borders. As Uighur refugees traveled along an underground railroad in Southeast Asia, they said, they were greeted by a network of Uighur militants who offered food and shelter – and their extremist ideology. And when the refugees touched down in Turkey, they were again wooed by recruiters who openly roamed the streets of Istanbul in gritty immigrant neighborhoods like Zeytinburnu and Sefakoy, looking for fresh fighters to shuttle to Syria.

Uighur activists and Syrian and Chinese officials estimate that at least 5,000 Uighurs have gone to Syria to fight – though many have since left. Among those, several hundred have joined the Islamic State, according to former fighters and Syrian officials.

As Uighurs streamed out of China, militant leaders have seized upon China’s treatment of Muslims as a recruiting tactic. The Islamic State, for instance, regularly publishes Uighur-language editions of its radio bulletins and magazines, while the Turkistan Islamic Party has been releasing videos on a near-weekly basis, said Rita Katz, director of the SITE Intelligence monitoring group.

“How can those who are imprisoned due to their faith be freed? How can they be saved from this humiliation?” a masked Uighur fighter says in a Turkestan Islamic Party video released last year. “Words from our mouths won’t help, but jihad for Allah will.”

A Faraway War

From Istanbul, several of the former fighters described taking buses or being driven to the border region of Hatay, where they would cross on foot at night through lightly guarded hills. After a three-hour hike into Syria, cars waited in a forest clearing to whisk them to separate camps dotting the country’s north. One fighter said he simply drove in, unobstructed, on the highway from the Turkish city of Gaziantep.

When the Uighurs arrived in Jisr al-Shughour, a strategic town on the edge of Assad’s stronghold of Latakia region, men with families, like Ali, moved into a ruined neighborhood of single-story brick homes where 150 families stayed. Single men lived together in larger apartment buildings.

The men undertook three-month training sessions in the use of Soviet AKM rifles, shoulder-mounted rocket-propelled grenade launchers, physical conditioning and mapping.

At the beginning of the course, the trainers showed off their prized cache of captured American M-16s and German G3 rifles, but each fighter received a battered AKM and cheap Chinese ammunition. Boys as young as 12 and 13 – mostly orphans – were taken to a separate camp for religious classes and physical training.

Two fighters said they received boxes of food from IHH, a Turkish Islamic charity group, that included rice, flour, meat and even fish imported from Thailand. One of the fighters said the food supplies were labeled with the foreign fighting group they were being shipped to – for example, “Turkistanis (Uighurs) or Uzbeks.”

IHH spokesman Mustafa Ozbek said the group distributes aid in refugee camps near the Syrian border to civilians, but not armed groups.

“All of our aid is conducted officially, documented and reported,” Ozbek said.

The Uighurs in Syria have a reputation for administering their territory with a light touch, said Aymenn Jawad al-Tamimi, a British researcher at the Middle East Forum who has extensively interviewed jihadis in Syria, including Uighur fighters. They don’t enforce an Islamic court system or replace local councils – unlike their close allies, the al-Qaida-linked Hay’at Tahrir al-Sham, Arabic for Levant Liberation Committee.

Instead, an older Uighur would convene young fighters in the evenings to discuss history and politics. They looked to an improbable model for building an independent homeland: Israel and the Zionist movement.

“We studied how the Jews built their country,” Ali said. “Some of them fought, some of them provided money. We don’t have a strong background of that.”

Few Uighurs spoke Arabic and most didn’t mingle with locals, but at one point some residents joked that Uighurs should rename the city Shughuristan, a play on “East Turkistan,” the Uighur exiles’ preferred name for their homeland. The Uighurs were unconvinced.

“This is not our homeland,” Ali and his comrades told the Arabs. “We want our homeland, we don’t need yours.”

Fearless ‘Pawns’

Like Ali, Rozi Mehmet wanted to do something to help his people fight Chinese oppression. His grandfather, a wealthy Uighur farmer, had been executed in the tumult of China’s Cultural Revolution in the 1960s.

Three years ago, Mehmet left the ancient oasis town of Hotan and hiked into Syria to join a class of 52 Turkistan Islamic Party trainees.

Within six months, he would be on the front lines with a rocket-propelled grenade launcher strapped to his skinny back, sprinting toward government positions near Jisr al-Shughour.

Jihadi clerics have exhorted Uighurs to take up holy war and reap the rewards of martyrdom. But if he would take a bullet, Mehmet thought as he rushed into battle, he wasn’t dying for Islam – or the virgins that the preachers promised. His homeland was the only thing on his mind.

“I didn’t feel fear,” he told the AP. “If I felt fear, how could I be able to build my country?”

As fighting escalated in 2015 and 2016, hundreds of Uighurs died in its campaigns alongside al-Qaida’s Nusra Front, according to two former fighters who fought in northern Syria.

Radical groups have aggressively recruited Uighurs. Al-Qaida’s leader promised in a video that Islamic militants would repay the Uighurs by striking at “atheist Chinese occupiers” after the Syrian war. The Islamic State has echoed similar pledges and the group in March released a Uighur-language propaganda video vowing to one day shed Chinese blood if Uighurs would join the Syrian struggle.

As the chaotic opposition splintered and reorganized, groups vied for the Uighurs’ support and lauded them for their suicide attacks that often kept the Syrian army off-balance, Mehmet boasted.

An older fighter, also from Hotan, chided the young man, saying he was more cynical about why the Arab jihadis lavished them with praise.

“They praise us, which means they want us to follow them and fight for them,” said Rozi Tohti, 40, who fought near the city of Idlib. They “are trying to lure us to become their pawns.”

Dissent in Syria; Threat to China

But several Uighur fighters insisted that, in their minds, there was a distinct line between themselves and the Islamic militants they fought beside. Some Uighurs complained about being stuck in Syria instead of attacking China, as they had been promised.

“We fight for them and help them control the country, and then Uighurs are left with nothing,” Mehmet said.

After joining the TIP in mid-2015, Uighur fighter Abdulrehim visited a graveyard for fallen militants and wondered why there were no Uighur national banners. At one point, he openly challenged a TIP senior leader, Ibrahim Mansour, about what they were doing in Syria, he recalled.

“We haven’t fired a bullet against our enemy, China,” he told a group of gathered Uighur fighters. “We always fight alongside international terrorists. What’s going on here?”

Many Uighur militants have grown tired of the war and are looking to leave particularly as Assad’s forces gain the upper hand, says Seyit Tumturk, a Uighur activist in Turkey who often speaks to fighters in Syria.

He said it was impossible for Uighurs militants to liberate Xinjiang, currently blanketed with paramilitary forces and riot police. But he said Chinese President Xi Jinping’s ambitious project to develop railway lines, ports, and other infrastructure linking various regions to China makes Beijing vulnerable to militant attacks abroad.

The Islamic State took credit in June for kidnapping and killing two Chinese teachers in Pakistan’s Baluchistan province, which is a cornerstone of Beijing’s so-called Belt and Road infrastructure project. In Kyrgyzstan, state security say a suicide bombing of the Chinese embassy in Bishkek was ordered by Uighur terrorist groups active in Syria and financed by al-Qaida’s Nusra Front.

Chinese officials and Western analysts alike say that the Uighurs’ experience in the Syrian jihadi melting pot will likely exacerbate violence against “soft” targets outside China. China’s foreign ministry called the Turkistan Islamic Party a security threat for the Middle East.

“We hope our brothers, including Syria and Turkey, will work with us, strengthen cooperation and cut off the terrorists’ cross-border movements and safeguard regional stability,” the ministry said in a faxed statement in response to questions from the AP.

The ministry did not address questions about the causes of radicalization but said that China’s government has invested heavily in Xinjiang’s economic development, protected its minorities’ rights and treated them just as every other ethnic group.

“Of course, when there are those who try to create tension in Xinjiang, the Chinese government’s commitment to striking against violent terror and ethnic splittism is unquestioned,” it said.

Return to Turkey and an Uncertain Future

By June of this year, Ali had tired of Syria and wanted to get out. For him, the war consisted of spending months at a time manning checkpoints and patrolling borders.

But like many other Uighurs who sought to return to Turkey, he struggled to find a way back. Ali walked for a week to get around a wall built by the Turkish government on the border. He’s now back in Istanbul and selling milk.

Although some of the Uighur returnees said they would attack China if the opportunity arose, others balked at the idea.

Uighur community workers are concerned that many of those cast back into Turkish society would struggle to integrate and be easily pulled back into radical groups. Many of the men make $200 to $300 a month, barely enough to cover rent in Istanbul, and spoke poor Turkish. Many faced daily discrimination.

Activists also worry about TIP recruitment continuing unchecked in Turkey, where it appears to have a degree of official support.

This year, Turkish authorities detained TIP members including a former top commander, ostensibly for his own safety, said a diplomat in Beijing and a Uighur activist who was allowed by Turkish officials to speak with him. But Turkey refused to allow Chinese intelligence to interrogate the former commander, deeply frustrating Beijing, the diplomat said.

Uighur leaders say Turkish police also have released several well-known Uighur jihadi recruiters even after the community offered tips that led to their arrest.

“There are suspicions that these recruiters have links with some individuals or agencies within the government,” said Omer Kanat, director of the Uyghur Human Rights Project in Washington. “They’re turning a blind eye.”

Rozi Tohti, the middle-aged fighter from Hotan, sat in a meadow facing the ruined walls of old Constantinople and ruminated on the choices facing his compatriots in Turkey: give their lives to a radical Islamic movement that they did not believe in or struggle to settle into a Turkish society where they did not fit in.

One thing was clear. Returning to their homeland was out of the question.

“Who wants to live in a war zone?” Tohti said. “We once had paradise in our country. But it was being erased by the Chinese, so instead we looked for paradise in Syria.”

Story: Gerry Shih

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Malaysian PM Leads Protest in Solidarity With Palestinians

Malaysian Prime Minister Najib Razak. Photo: DPA

PUTRAJAYA, Malaysia — Malaysian Prime Minister Najib Razak led thousands of Muslims in a rally Friday to show solidarity with Palestinians, slamming the U.S. decision to recognize Jerusalem as Israel’s capital.

Najib told the crowd that Malaysia will do all it can to “save Jerusalem” and that he will not be cowed by the U.S. nor by his close ties with President Donald Trump. Najib in September met Trump at the White House, and last month, posted a photograph of himself with Trump on Twitter on the sidelines of a regional meeting in Manila.

Malaysia on Thursday joined more than 120 countries voting in favor of a U.N. General Assembly resolution calling for the United States to drop its recognition of Jerusalem as Israel’s capital, ignoring a threat by Trump to cut off financial aid to countries voting against his move.

“Yes, I have visited the White House and yes, Trump is a good acquaintance but I will not pawn the sanctity of Islam,” Najib said to loud cheers at the protest outside a mosque in the government capital of Putrajaya after Friday prayers.

“We are firm in our stand. We support the formation of a Palestine that is free and sovereign. We demand a Palestine with dignity and pride. We want East Jerusalem as the capital of Palestine,” he said.

Earlier this month, Trump reversed decades of U.S. policy by announcing the United States recognized Jerusalem – home to major Muslim, Jewish and Christian holy sites – as the capital of Israel and would move its embassy there.

Najib vowed to hold weekly protests in support of Palestinians. Deputy Prime Minister Ahmad Zahid Hamidi told local media that the Cabinet would next month discuss a proposal by Najib for Malaysia to follow Turkey in opening an embassy in east Jerusalem to recognize the city as the Palestinian capital.

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Thai Princess Saves Christmas With Amazing Dance Videos

Images: @Nichax / Instagram

BANGKOK — Princess Ubolratana wished people a Merry Christmas this week in a series of widely hailed, viral videos one must see to believe.

Princess Ubolratana, the eldest child of Queen Sirikit and the late King Bhumibol, went all out in costume and setting to sing “We Wish You a Merry Christmas” and “Santa Claus is Coming to Town” in a pair of festive Instagram videos posted this week.

“Today I’m an elf, Santa Claus’ helper, not Santa himself,” she wrote in the caption to one video posted to her private @Nichax account. In the video, she dances next to a gaily appointed Christmas tree.

In the second video, posted Thursday, she sings “Santa Claus is Coming to Town” while dressed in Santa garb. The caption notes, “Six days until Christmas 🎅❤️🎄🎅.”

The videos were met with praise from netizens, with many complementing the 66-year-old princess’ figure.

“I really like her. She’s like, I can’t put my finger on it – down to earth,” wrote Facebooker Claudio D’dorf T’land. “She’s optimistic and modern. Long live the princess!”

Princess Ubolratana is an active social media user. In case you’ve somehow missed her Instagram feed, she was also responsible for a January video in which she performed body percussion on herself to one of her father’s compositions. She also founded the To Be Number One anti-drugs foundation.

Related stories:

Who’s Who in Thailand’s Royal Family

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American Taggers Caught Red-Handed: Police

Jessie Christie Jones and Zachary Bruce Beiser with Tourist Police and Thung Maha Mek Police Thursday. Photo: Matichon

BANGKOK — Two Americans who were caught tagging signposts, phone booths and other property on Silom Road were caught in the act and fined for vandalism, police said Friday.

Americans Zachary Bruce Beiser, 29, and Jessie Christine Jones, 22, were arrested Thursday afternoon for leaving tags in mint green and pink paint after a video of them scribbling on poles and electrical boxes went viral a day earlier.

“After some good citizens sent us the video, we went down to that area to look for them,” police Col. Netiwit Thanasitnikitul said. “It didn’t take very long. We found them with the markers in their hands.”

Netiwit said the farangs apologized for the vandalism, which they were fined 3,500 baht apiece at Thung Maha Mek Police Station late Thursday. “Maybe in their home country they’re not so strict about it,” he said. “They got carried away on their vacation.”

The pair were arrested Thursday afternoon according to tourist police.

On Wednesday, Facebook user Vorathep Charoenpornpanich posted a video where Beiser and Jones along Silom Road as they scrawled random letters using Montana Colors brand Street Dabber paint.

The incident comes less than a month after the fining of another American duo, two Californian men for posting photos with their pants down at Wat Arun for their “Traveling Butts” Instagram account.

A Facebook account appearing to belong to Beiser lists him as being from Atlanta, Georgia. In 2016, A newspaper just outside Atlanta reported in 2016 that a Zachary Bruce Beiser was arrested on suspicion of driving under the influence for driving erratically because of something he said he heard on the radio.

americans
Footage of Jessie Christie Jones and Zachary Bruce Beiser vandalizing on Silom Road. Image: Vorathep Charoenpornpanich / Facebook

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Butt-Baring Tourists Charged with Indecency

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Top US Aid Recipients Ignore White House Threat on UN Vote

The results of a vote are posted in the General Assembly, Thursday, Dec. 21, 2017, at United Nations headquarters. Photo: Manuel Elias / Associated Press

JERUSALEM — Ahead of a dramatic vote at the United Nations on Thursday, the United States made an unprecedented threat to fellow members of the international community: those who vote against President Donald Trump’s decision to recognize Jerusalem as Israel’s capital risk diplomatic retaliation and losing American financial aid.

But when the dust settled, the biggest recipients of American aid – most of them Muslim or Arab countries – rejected the threat, leaving the White House facing a tricky dilemma as it plots a course forward for the Middle East. Key Arab allies, led by Saudi Arabia, all banded together against the U.S.

Yet for Trump and Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, there were some bright spots in the lopsided vote. Some influential countries, mostly African and Latin American countries courted by Israel in recent years, stepped back from past support for the Palestinians by abstaining or skipping the vote altogether. Still, two of Netanyahu’s biggest targets, China and India, came down solidly in favor of the Palestinians.

These mixed trends could allow each side to claim a victory of sorts.

Here is a closer look at how key countries and regions voted in Thursday’s General Assembly resolution:

 

Aid Recipients

With the exception of Israel, the top recipients of international aid are Muslim, Arab or African countries. Afghanistan, Egypt, Jordan and Pakistan all voted to back the resolution proposed by the Palestinians, as did African countries Nigeria, Ethiopia, Tanzania, and South Africa. In addition to Israel, the only member of the top 10 aid recipients not to support the Palestinians was Kenya, a close Israeli ally that skipped the vote, according to Foreignassistance.gov.

 

 

Arab Allies

The Arab world voted across the board with the Palestinians, an expected move given the importance of Jerusalem and the Palestinian cause to the Arab public. Nonetheless, the vote could embarrass the White House, which has sought to cultivate ties with Saudi Arabia, Egypt and other moderate Sunni countries to counter rising Iranian influence. It also could complicate attempts by the U.S. to rally support for an expected region-wide peace plan it says is in the works.

 

Claiming Victory

The Palestinians praised the lopsided majority in their favor, saying it shows “once again that the just Palestinian cause enjoys the support of (the) international community.” Yet the Palestinians have long enjoyed widespread support in the United Nations, which is dominated by developing countries sympathetic to their cause.

In a possible cause for concern, the level of support was slightly less than a 2012 landmark vote in the General Assembly to recognize Palestine as a nonmember state. In that vote, 138 nations supported the Palestinians, compared to 125 on Thursday.

 

 

Israeli Outreach

Netanyahu has made significant outreach efforts in recent years to countries in Africa, Asia and Latin America in a bid to soften support for the Palestinians at the U.N. Those efforts showed some signs of success. After the vote, Netanyahu said he appreciated the growing number of countries that “refused to participate in this theater of the absurd.”

Mexico and Argentina, countries that Netanyahu visited earlier this year, both shifted from past support for the Palestinians to abstentions on Thursday. Two Latin American countries, Guatemala and Honduras, even voted against Thursday’s measure.

While Kenya skipped the General Assembly vote, Uganda and South Sudan – African countries courted by Netanyahu – also dropped their past support for the Palestinians and abstained.

But a possible concern for Israel could be the apparent support by two countries with poor human rights record – Myanmar, which skipped the vote, and the Philippines, which abstained. Both countries voted with the Palestinians in 2012.

The Indian and Chinese votes also exposed the limits of Netanyahu’s outreach.

 

 

Whither Europe

As the U.S. prepares a new Mideast peace push, Thursday’s vote at the General Assembly exposed deep divisions with Europe. The three most important countries in Europe – Britain, France and Germany – all voted against the U.S. on Thursday. That could signal trouble if the U.S. seeks European support for its peace plan down the road.

Other European countries with close ties to Israel, including Poland, Hungary and the Czech Republic – all with nationalist governments – abstained in the vote.

These divisions within Europe could complicate attempts by the European Union to formulate a joint position on the Israeli-Palestinian conflict moving forward.

Story: Josef Federman

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Thailand Joins UN Vote Against US Recognition of Jerusalem

Thailand's ambassador to the United Nations Sek Wannamethee, at center, with the Thai delegation in Geneva in a file photo released Tuesday. Photo: ThaiEmbassy.org
Thailand's ambassador to the United Nations Sek Wannamethee, at center, with the Thai delegation in Geneva in a file photo released Tuesday. Photo: ThaiEmbassy.org

UNITED NATIONS — The Thai delegation to the United Nations voted to support the General Assembly’s overwhelming vote Thursday to denounce President Donald Trump’s recognition of Jerusalem as Israel’s capital, ignoring Trump’s threats to cut off aid to any country that went against him.

The nonbinding resolution declaring U.S. action on Jerusalem “null and void” was approved 128-9 – a victory for the Palestinians, but not as big as they predicted. Amid Washington’s threats, 35 of the 193 U.N. member nations abstained and 21 were absent.

The resolution reaffirmed what has been the United Nations’ stand on the divided holy city since 1967: that Jerusalem’s final status must be decided in direct negotiations between Israel and the Palestinians.

Thai Foreign Affairs Ministry spokeswoman Busadee Santipitaks said Thailand voted in accordance with the stance of the United Nations, which “we have always done.”

As for Trump’s threat, she said Thailand would be unaffected.

“Thailand has not received any aid from the United States for many years now because we are ranked as a developed country,” she said. “Most of our interactions involve regional cooperation.”

The Trump administration made it clear the vote would have no effect on its plan to move the American Embassy from Tel Aviv to Jerusalem. And Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu said afterward that he completely rejects the “preposterous” resolution.

Image: United Nations
Image: United Nations

Palestinian Ambassador Riyad Mansour called the vote a victory not only for the Palestinians but for the United Nations and international law, saying U.S. Ambassador Nikki Haley “failed miserably” in persuading only seven countries aside from the U.S. and Israel to vote against the resolution.

“And they used unprecedented tactics, unheard of in the diplomatic work at the U.N., including blackmail and extortion,” he said.

The United States and Israel had waged an intensive lobbying campaign against the measure, with Haley sending letters to over 180 countries warning that Washington would be taking names of those who voted against the U.S. Trump went further, threatening a funding cutoff: “Let them vote against us. We’ll save a lot. We don’t care.”

But in the end, major U.S. aid recipients including Afghanistan, Egypt, Jordan, Pakistan, Nigeria, Ethiopia, Tanzania and South Africa supported the resolution. Egypt received roughly $1.4 billion in U.S. aid this year, and Jordan about $1.3 billion.

The nine countries voting “no” were the U.S., Israel, Guatemala, Honduras, Micronesia, Nauru, Palau, the Marshall Islands and Togo. Among the abstentions were Australia, Argentina, Canada, Colombia, Croatia, Czech Republic and Mexico.

The absent countries included Kenya, which was the fifth-largest recipient of U.S. aid last year, Georgia and Ukraine, all of which have close U.S. ties.

After the vote, Haley tweeted a photo naming the 65 nations that voted no, abstained or were absent, and said: “We appreciate these countries for not falling to the irresponsible ways of the UN.”

She later sent invitations to the 65 ambassadors inviting them to a reception on Jan. 3 to thank them for their friendship with the United States.

The U.S. is scheduled to dispense USD$25.8 billion in foreign aid for 2018. Whether Trump follows through with his threat against those who voted “yes” remains to be seen.

But within hours, the Trump administration appeared to be backing away from its funding threats. In Washington, State Department spokeswoman Heather Nauert said cuts to countries that opposed the U.S. are not a foregone conclusion.

“The president’s foreign policy team has been empowered to explore various options going forward with other nations,” Nauert said. “However, no decisions have been made.”

During the debate, Arab, Islamic and non-aligned nations urged a “yes” vote on the resolution, which was sponsored by Yemen and Turkey.

Yemeni Ambassador Khaled Hussein Mohamed Alyemany warned that Trump’s recognition of Jerusalem undermines any chance for peace in the Mideast and “serves to fan the fires of violence and extremism.”

He called Trump’s action “a blatant violation of the rights of the Palestinian people and the Arab nations, and all Muslims and Christians of the world,” and “a dangerous violation and breach of international law.”

On Wednesday, Trump complained that Americans are tired of being taken advantage of by countries that take billions of dollars and then vote against the U.S. Haley echoed his words in her speech to the packed assembly chamber, threatening not only member states with funding cuts, but the United Nations itself.

Haley said the vote will make no difference in U.S. plans to move the American Embassy, but it “will make a difference on how Americans look at the U.N., and on how we look at countries who disrespect us in the U.N.”

“And this vote will be remembered,” she warned.

Trump’s pressure tactics had raised the stakes at Thursday’s emergency meeting and triggered accusations from the Muslim world of U.S. bullying and blackmail.

“It is unethical to think that the votes and dignity of member states are for sale,” said Turkish Foreign Minister Mevlut Cavusoglu. “We will not be intimidated! You can be strong but this does not make you right!”

The Palestinians and their supporters sought the General Assembly vote after the U.S. on Monday vetoed a resolution supported by the 14 other U.N. Security Council members that would have required Trump to rescind his declaration on Jerusalem.

The resolution adopted by the assembly has language similar to the defeated measure.

It “affirms that any decisions and actions which purport to have altered the character, status or demographic composition of the holy city of Jerusalem have no legal effect, are null and void and must be rescinded.”

Story: AP’s Edith M. Lederer, Khaosod English

Related stories:

Thai Junta Leader Pledges Assistance to Palestine

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SHINee Fans Hold Memorial For K-Pop Star in Bangkok (Video)

Post-it notes written by fans for K-Pop singer Jonghyun at a memorial Thursday night at Wat Suthiwararam in Bangkok.

BANGKOK — More than 1,000 devoted fans of a K-pop idol who committed suicide earlier this week held Buddhist mourning rites for him Thursday night at a Bangkok temple.

Elegy chants for Kim Jonghyun, lead singer of K-pop boy band SHINee, resounded at Wat Suthiwararam in the Yan Nawa district as fans gathered starting at 6pm to say goodbye in the crisp evening air.

Fans wrote their farewells on Post-it notes, lit candles and held a moment of silence. Some brought memorabilia on which the temple performed Buddhist and some Christian rites – Jonghyun was Christian – before cremating and interring the ashes.

Read: Thai Fans Despair Over Death of K-Pop Idol

The Bangkok ceremony was held the same day Jonghyun’s funeral took place in South Korea. His former bandmates and artists from his S.M. Entertainment label were the pallbearers for the Seoul funeral.

“We have to be strong, do not let him see that we are weak. Jonghyun will be worried,” @Dsfameee tweeted Thursday night in English.

A fan told a Khaosod reporter they organized the ceremony through donations shortly after news broke of his death.

Kim Jonghyun committed suicide Monday evening by inhaling the toxic fumes of coal briquettes he burned in his Seoul apartment. His suicide notes revealed a struggle with depression.

Since Tuesday, #RIPKimJonghyun has remained one of the top trending Twitter hashtags.

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Fans of Kim Jonghyun at a fan-organized ceremony at Wat Suthiwararam on Thursday night in Bangkok. Photo: JiminJ021 / Twitter

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Wiretapping Proposal Withdrawn Under Fierce Criticism

The National Legislative Assembly meets this past December in Bangkok. Photo: Prachachat
The National Legislative Assembly meets this past December in Bangkok. Photo: Prachachat

BANGKOK — Proposed wiretapping legislation was withdrawn from parliament Friday after meeting fierce criticism.

Police Gen. Chatchawan Suksomjit, who leads a committee in the legislature, conceded just before 11am that the public and legislators held deep concerns about potential abuses of power under the proposed law. He said it would be best to withdraw the proposed Article 37/1 of proposed anti-corruption legislation that would have allowed the National Anti-Corruption Commission to wiretap and spy on corruption suspects’ digital communications.

Read: Lawmakers Warn of Power Abuse if Parliament Passes Spying Law

“There are concerns about the repercussions, and there may be concerns that those using the power may use it inappropriately,” Chatchawan told the junta-appointed NLA.

“[We] don’t want such sentiments to get out of control. It may take more time to create understanding. Actually what we asked was so little. But we discussed it and concluded that the time is not right, that we should withdraw it first.”

Since Thursday, most lawmakers took turns attacking the proposed power, saying it could easily be abused by gathering intelligence for blackmail purposes.

Before the decision by the national legislature’s vetting committee withdrew the proposal, lawmaker Tuang Inthachai took to the floor to warn that passage would deepen existing distrust in society.

“For the past 10 years, people in Thai society do not trust one another,” he said. “[This proposal] will add more fuel to that distrust and will lead to another crisis.”

Debate on the proposed law began Thursday and had been held over to Friday morning.

 

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Rohingya Survivors: Myanmar’s Army Slaughtered Men, Children

A Rohingya child from Myanmar is carried in a basket past rice fields after crossing over to the Bangladesh side of the border last year near Cox's Bazar's Teknaf area. Photo: Bernat Armangue / Associated Press

UKHIA, Bangladesh — For six hours he hid in an upstairs room, listening to the crackle of gunfire and the screams of people being slaughtered outside his Myanmar home.

With every footstep that drew near, every cry that pierced the air, 52-year-old Bodru Duza braced for the soldiers to find him, to kill him like all the others who had fled to his compound that morning seeking a safe place to shelter. They were being blindfolded and bound, marched away in small groups, then butchered and shot as they begged for their lives.

What had started out as a quiet Sunday in northwestern Myanmar had spiraled into an incomprehensible hell – one of the bloodiest massacres reported in the Southeast Asian nation since government forces launched a vicious campaign to drive out the country’s Rohingya minority in late August.

By the time it was over, there was so much blood on the ground, it had pooled into long rivulets across the uneven earth, among bits of human flesh and the fragments of shattered skulls.

When Duza finally dared to emerge from his hiding place, he wondered how anyone could have survived.

The compound he grew up in was now consumed by an ethereal silence. His wife, daughter, and five young sons were nowhere to be seen. And as he crept toward a backdoor to escape, he stumbled upon the corpse of an unknown boy sprawled on the floor.

“Oh Allah!” he thought. “What have they done to us? What have they done to my family?”

The Associated Press reported this story with a grant from the Pulitzer Center on Crisis Reporting.

Duza’s family belonged to the ethnic Rohingya Muslim community, which has long been persecuted and denied basic rights in predominantly Buddhist Myanmar. They lived in the village of Maung Nu, where at least 82 Rohingya are believed to have been murdered on Aug. 27.

The massacre was part of a streak of violence that started before dawn two days earlier, when Rohingya insurgents staged an unprecedented wave of 30 attacks on security posts across Rakhine state. At least 14 people were killed.

The assaults triggered one of the greatest catastrophes the Rohingya have ever known: an army counter-offensive that has left hundreds of villages burned and driven 650,000 refugees into Bangladesh. The aid group Doctors Without Borders estimates 6,700 Rohingya civilians were killed in the first month of reprisals alone, and human rights groups have documented three large-scale massacres.

The Associated Press has reconstructed the massacre at Maung Nu as told by 37 survivors now scattered across refugee camps in Bangladesh. Their testimony and exclusive video footage from the massacre site obtained by AP offer evidence, also documented by the United Nations and others, that Myanmar armed forces have systematically killed civilians.

Myanmar’s military did not respond to repeated requests for comment on this story, and the government – which prohibits journalists from independent travel to northern Rakhine State – did not reply to an AP request for a visit. The army has insisted in the past that not a single innocent has been slain.

For as long as anyone could remember, there was only one place in Maung Nu that was truly considered safe. It was a large two-story residence shared by two of the village’s most prominent businessmen – Duza and his brother Zahid Hossain.

Built on a hillside more than half a century ago, the vast home was known for its three-foot-thick walls of hardened mud, which many believed to be bullet-proof and virtually impossible to burn. That mattered in Rakhine state, where the Rohingya population lived in fear of both the military and the area’s ethnic Rakhine Buddhists. Although the Rohingya have lived in Myanmar for decades, they are still seen as foreign invaders from Bangladesh who are intent on stealing land.

Despite the tensions, Hossain worked extensively with local army commanders, trading cows and rice and jointly operating a brick-making factory. Both brothers were charismatic, educated and popular. Duza, an affable man who was well-known throughout the area, had previously served as village administrator for 12 years. Many people assumed that neither he nor his compound would be harmed.

After insurgents launched their first attacks a year ago, the government had imposed strict new measures aimed at curbing militant activity. Islamic schools were closed, a curfew was put in place, and authorities ordered the removal of fences and even shrubbery so security forces could see inside private compounds.

But Maung Nu, a village of about 2,000 people also known as Monu Para, remained peaceful. Duza and his brother counted their blessings. They were among the village’s wealthiest men. They owned scores of cows and buffalo, and vast acres of rice.

Soon, it would all be gone.

A few hours after midnight on Aug. 25, fierce volleys of gunfire woke the residents of Maung Nu. Rohingya militants had launched a surprise assault on a Border Guard Police post in Hpaung Taw Pyin, less than a kilometer (a mile) to the north.

The fighting lasted until dawn. According to the government, two officers and at least six of the assailants died.

That morning a commander from the army’s Light Infantry Battalion 564, based just south of Maung Nu, called the local district administrator, Mohamed Arof, furious.

“Why didn’t you tell us about these attacks?” the commander demanded.

“I didn’t know anything about it,” replied Arof, a Rohingya. “I only heard the shooting, like you.”

The same day, police snatched Arof’s 15-year-old son from a rice paddy and took him to their camp, where he was hanged with a rope along with three other teenagers, according to Arof and several witnesses. It’s unclear why the teens were killed, but word of their deaths spread quickly.

Fearing more reprisals from security forces, most of Hpaung Taw Pyin’s residents fled. Hundreds of them walked to the homes of friends and relatives in Maung Nu, in the hope they would be safe there.

And for a day, they were.

On Aug. 27, bursts of gunfire echoed across Maung Nu again. This time only the army was shooting.

Several military trucks parked on the village’s main road around 9 a.m. and began disgorging troops who fanned out on foot, firing into the air. Peering out a window of her home, 35-year-old Jamila Begum spotted several armed soldiers crossing her yard carrying coils of nylon rope.

Hundreds of people were already on the move, seeking the closest refuge – the hillside compound of Duza and Hossain, which included half a dozen other homes belonging to their relatives and a large rectangular pond. Jamila’s family joined them.

Other residents were being rounded up by force and ordered to head to the compound. Some cowered inside their homes, wondering what to do. One of them, 18-year-old Mohammadul Hassan, put a woman’s veil over his face when troops burst through the front door of his home, guns drawn.

Hassan immediately recognized one of the soldiers – a skinny army staff sergeant named Baju who was well-known in the village. A member of the 564th Battalion, Baju had lived in the area for 15 years and spoke the Rohingya dialect, according to numerous villagers. Duza said Baju was also a frequent visitor to his home.

When the soldiers discovered Hassan hiding among several female relatives, they became enraged. He was dragged outside along with two of his brothers, shoved to the ground and kicked until blood poured from his left eye.

As troops ripped clothes off the women and seized their valuables, the three brothers were stripped and tied up. The soldiers marched them to Duza’s compound naked, at gunpoint, the sunbaked dirt road burning their bare feet.

Duza had never seen people so scared.

As the number of Rohingya hiding on his property rose into the hundreds, his wife, a warm woman with an easy smile named Habiba, turned to him and asked, “What’s happening? What’s going on?”

The answer came when dozens of helmeted soldiers in olive green uniforms arrived around 11 a.m., accompanied by several border guard police.

Their entrance set off a new panic. A few men in Duza’s house locked the main wooden doors and climbed the stairs to a balcony, where most of the males already had gathered.

Before joining them, Duza pulled Habiba aside.

“Please take care of our daughter and our sons.”

So many people were crammed into their house by then, though, that Habiba soon lost track of all but one child.

Outside, a soldier’s voice rose above the others. It was Baju, and he was calling on everyone to come out, assuring them they would not be harmed. As the minutes passed and nobody emerged, the calls turned menacing, and the sergeant threatened to burn the compound to the ground.

Several bursts of gunfire rang out and a young boy was struck in the forehead. The women recoiled in horror as he lay motionless before them, the back of his skull blown apart.

Seconds later, soldiers broke down the doors and began dragging people out, separating the men from the women.

Mothers and elderly women were ordered onto their knees. Some tried to push back when troops ripped off their headscarves and tore at their clothes. The soldiers first demanded their cell phones, then grabbed at exposed breasts as they snatched gold earrings, necklaces and wads of cash.

About 20 or 25 of the women – mostly attractive and young – were taken away. They were never seen again. The rest eventually were driven, along with their children, into a pair of houses on the property.

The soldiers bound the men’s hands behind their backs and ordered them into the dirt courtyard in front of the house, where they were forced face down onto the stifling ground. Most were blindfolded with masking tape or veils taken from the women. A handful who tried to resist were thrown off the balcony head-first.

Troops started to walk across the sea of people, grinding boots into their heads and beating them with rifle butts. Some of the soldiers cursed their prisoners, calling them dirty “kalar,” a derogatory word for Muslims that is frequently used in Myanmar.

Duza’s brother, Hossain, begged for the violence to stop.

“Why are you doing this?” he cried. “Why are you tying us up?”

There was no answer.

Around noon, a senior officer called a commander on his phone. The officer said they had rounded up 87 men.

“What should we do with them?”

The call ended shortly afterward, and the officer barked an order to his troops.

“Let us begin.”

Duza watched through a slit in a closed window as a soldier plunged a long knife into his brother’s neck in front of their house. When two of Hossain’s sons got up and tried to run, soldiers opened fire.

Duza stepped back in shock. He scrambled to an upstairs room and crawled into the only place he could think of to hide: a foot-high space under a large wooden container normally used to store rice. He covered his legs with rice sacks and curled into a ball, trying to disappear.

Outside, screams like he’d never heard before reverberated across the courtyard.

Several soldiers hammered four-inch nails into the temples of three men on the ground with the butts of their rifles. Four other men were decapitated, including a prominent gray-bearded mullah.

Then a pair of soldiers – one was Baju – descended on Jamila’s husband. With two-foot-long machetes, they hacked into his neck from both sides. He crumpled in the dirt, gagging on blood.

Gasping for breath, Jamila stumbled toward the door. She wanted to rush to his side, to help him, to be with him – to die.

But the women in the house pulled her back.

“You can’t go,” one said, as Jamila collapsed, weeping. “If you go out there, they’ll kill all of us.”

While women rocked back and forth, several children began praying. In the courtyard, they could hear people begging for their lives.

“Please Allah!” Please help us!”

“We’re dying!”

When Jamila rose to look out the window again, she saw her 16-year-old son dragged away by the collar of his shirt and tied to a tree, screaming, “I didn’t do anything!”

The gunshots rang out. Jamila could not bear to look.

As the afternoon wore on, the carnage became more methodical.

Men and teenage boys were taken away in small groups and killed by firing squads near a forested area on the edge of the property. In some cases, a soldier blew a whistle beforehand, signaling for them to begin.

Other troops wrapped corpses in orange and green tarps and transported them downhill in three-wheeled push-carts to a pair of army trucks parked on the road. Several witnesses reported seeing soldiers digging pits and dumping bodies into them.

When Mohammad Nasir was marched to the killing ground with six others, he saw more than a dozen cadavers crumpled there under the trees. As those beside him braced for death and called out Islamic creeds – “There is no god but Allah! Mohamed is his prophet!” – Nasir wriggled loose and ran.

He made it to the far side of a small ravine before the first burst of gunfire rang out. Half an hour later, when he had run out of breath, he realized he had been shot in the elbow.

Mohammadul Hassan was taken to a pond just east of the main house. Soldiers ordered him to kneel with his two brothers, then shot them all from behind and rolled them over to make sure they were dead. When Hassan unexpectedly opened his eyes, an officer sitting on the bank walked casually forward and fired a single rifle shot into his chest. Hassan later regained consciousness, stumbled away, and survived.

That afternoon, soldiers began searching the compound for men. At one point, Baju grabbed Duza’s 9-year-old son Mohamed Ahasun, and demanded to know where his father was.

The boy said Duza had left four days earlier for another village. Baju slapped him, but let him go.

In the tiny, darkened crawl space upstairs, Duza’s mind had gone numb. He kept telling himself: “It has to stop … This has to end somehow.” Praying for survival, he waited for the soldiers to discover him, to drag him out by the feet.

But they never did. And when the guns finally fell silent, he crept slowly downstairs, and slipped away.

For the next two weeks, he traveled alone, joining the hordes of Rohingya bound for Bangladesh. They crossed streams and forests and mountains, and finally the Naf River, which separates the two countries.

When Duza got out of a boat and stepped onto Bangladeshi soil, he looked back toward Myanmar and saw half a dozen columns of smoke curling skyward from burning Rohingya homes. His family, he thought, was surely dead.

There is no way to independently confirm the death toll in Maung Nu. But one handwritten tally seen by The AP details the names, ages and professions of 82 people, most of them men and boys from Maung Nu and Hpaung Taw Pyin, who family members say were killed.

They are farmers and students, carpenters, businessmen and teachers. The youngest is seven years old; the oldest, 95.

According to Arof, the village administrator, at least 200 more remain missing and are feared dead.

Most of the survivors struggle to understand why so many of their neighbors were slaughtered. Arof said the army falsely believed they were supporting the insurgency, but something much deeper had driven the killing. The massacres reported since August have stood out for their high casualty toll, their ferocity, and the methodical way in which they were carried out.

“You have to understand … they hate us,” Arof said. “This didn’t only happen in our village, it happened everywhere.”

In the end, Duza was one of the luckiest survivors.

After weeks spent imagining another life without a family, he found a newly-arrived refugee with a Myanmar phone and asked to use it.

He dialed his wife Habiba’s number. A young girl answered.

He could barely believe it. It was his 14-year-old daughter, Taslima.

As tears welled in his eyes, Duza asked about the rest of his family. “Are they with you? Are they alive?”

“Yes papa! Yes!” Taslima replied. “We’re here! Everybody is fine.”

Duza’s family had been elsewhere in the compound when he fled. It would take them six more weeks to make the journey to Bangladesh.

When the family reunited in a refugee camp, Duza broke down as he hugged his wife and squeezed the children he never thought he’d see again. They had lost so much – their friends and relatives, their home, their savings, their future – but they had somehow found each other.

“It felt like living in another world,” Duza said. “It felt like a new life.”

Story: Todd Pitman

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