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Women's Groups Mark 11th Anniversary of Mosque Massacre

A network of women's rights advocates in Pattani mark the 11th anniversary of a massacre at Krue Se Mosque on 28 April 2015.

PATTANI — A network of women's rights advocates in Pattani province gathered today to mark the 11th anniversary of the deadly assault on a historic mosque, one of the bloodiest incidents in the separatist insurgency that has gripped the region since 2004.

Representatives of 21 organizations met at Park View Hotel in Pattani this morning to read a joint statement. The statement condemned the recent "cycle of violence" sparked by a military raid on a village in Thung Yang Daeng district that left four civilians dead last month. Following the raid, at least 30 retaliatory attacks have taken place in the region, killing 13 people, including nine women and children, the statement noted.

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A network of women's rights advocates in Pattani mark the 11th anniversary of a massacre at Krue Se Mosque on 28 April 2015.

"When there is violence, no matter which side started it first, it always leads to retaliation and another cycle of violence," the statement read."It causes losses to lives and properties of civilians, especially vulnerable groups like women and children." 

The secessionist movement, which has claimed the lives of more than 6,200 people, has been waged by a shadowy network of militant groups seeking to revive the independent Islamic state of Patani that was annexed by Thailand in early 20th century. 

In their joint statement today, the women's groups listed four demands that they believe can help bring an end to the unrest in Thailand's three southern border provinces:

"1. Those who use weapons must cease their violence against civilians, especially women and children, and they must cease violent incidents in public areas, such as markets, schools, hospitals, and religious establishments, among others.

2. In order to prevent misunderstanding from escalating and feeding into cycle of violence, the state must be responsible in finding and presenting facts to the public in cases that terrorize public morale, including: the deaths of children and women, deaths of fighters for human rights, killings with cruel methods, massacre of families, and deaths that are believed to have been caused by state officials' excessive use of force. 

3. The state must be committed to eradicating the culture of impunity by equally protecting the rights of the victims and the accused. It must also compensate victims without discrimination based on race, religion, or social status. 

4. The people of all faiths must have restraint in the face of temptation from violent incidents, regardless of which side commits the acts, in order to prevent the cycle of violence from continuing. All forms of solution must uphold principles of peaceful methods, respect human dignity, and use dialogue to find solutions together."

The network includes groups like Thai Women Empowerment Funds, Buddhists for Peace Network, Network of Civic Women for Peace, and Narathiwat Muslimah Society. 

After the press conference, the activists gathered at Krue Se Mosque in Pattani to commemorate the siege and assault of the historic building eleven years ago, which left 32 insurgents dead. The massacre is considered one of the earliest and bloodiest incidents in the insurgency, which broke out in the southern provinces of Pattani, Yala, and Narathiwat in 2004. 

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Gen. Pallop Pinmanee (far right) inspecting the mosque after the deadly assault, 28 April 2004

On the morning of 28 April 2004, dozens of young militants armed with machetes, knives, and wooden sticks attacked security checkpoints across the three border provinces in coordinated attack. The ambushes were quickly put down by superior-armed security officers. However, 32 militants stole weapons from a police checkpoint and barricaded themselves in the 300-year-old Krue Se mosque, prompting security officers to surround the building.

After a seven-hour siege, Gen. Pallop Pinmanee, commander of a local army unit, ordered troops to use maximum firepower – including rocket-propelled grenades – to retake the mosque. The operation killed all 32 insurgents, and devastated the historic building. 

It later emerged that Gen. Pallop's command contradicted his superior commander's order to negotiate with the mosque defenders and find a peaceful solution. He was transferred from the Deep South region on that day, although he retained a position in a counter-insurgency agency and no legal action was taken against him. 

 
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Three Days of Mourning Declared as Nepal Death Toll Reaches 4,300

Rescue workers dig out several houses that collapsed in the Vhaktapur district following Saturday's earthquake in Nepal. EPA/ABIR ABDULLAH

KATHMANDU (DPA) — Nepal's government declared three days of mourning Tuesday for more than 4,000 people who died in a massive earthquake at the weekend.

The government raised the death toll to 4,353 as volunteers searched for dead and missing from Saturday's quake, with nearly 8,000 injured.

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People sit in front of their destroyed home in Kathmandu, Nepal, 27 April 2015. EPA/Palani Mohan/International Federation Red Cross and Red Crescent 

"We were not prepared for a disaster of this scale," Interior Minister Bam Dev Gautam said. "We do not have enough resources and will need more time to reach out to everyone."

Many people in Kathmandu slept outdoors in public spaces, parks and roads. Electricity was restored in some areas, but remained intermittent.

People said rations and gas were running out, blaming the government for not doing enough to provide basic amenities.

"The food is running out in our area. Shops are hardly open and if they do people hoard and everything is gone in minutes," resident Rajendra BK said.

"We've been here on the streets, without food and water and we still haven't seen a government representative in three days," said a man camping on the roadside with his family.

The government also warned against black marketeering as people struggled to buy commodities.

Power outages have prevented people withdrawing money from banks.

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Rescue team members from the Netherlands using a sniffer dog to search rubble for survivors in Kathmandu, Nepal, 27 April 2015. EPA/NARENDRA SHRESTHA

Interior spokesman Ministry Laxmi said remote villages in the hard-hit districts of Sindhupalchowk, Rasuwa, and Gorkha were still inaccessible to relief efforts.

One man staying in a makeshift tent with about 20 people said his home village Sindhukot in Sindhupalchowk district, 50 kilometres north-east of the capital, was completely devastated.

"My own uncle was killed after being buried under the house. All the cattle in the village were killed as well. Since it was accessible by road we brought the injured to Kathmandu, but the government has not send any relief efforts there."

On Mount Everest, the number killed by avalanches set off by the tremor was uncertain.

"We have brought down 14 bodies and three are to be airlifted today," police officer Bhanubhakta Nepal told dpa from the Everest region.

"We still can't say how many people died on the mountain," he said. "We rescued 205 people in total on Monday."

A spokesman for the tourism authorities said at least 20 were thought to have died on the slopes of the world's highest peak, while the Indian military put the toll at 22.

Almost all the 1,000 people who were at the base camp on Saturday had now been recovered, according to mountaineers' posts on social media.

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Rescue workers dig out several houses that collapsed in the Vhaktapur district following Saturday's earthquake in Nepal. EPA/ABIR ABDULLAH

US mountaineer Alan Arnette wrote on his blog that a team would have to assess the possibility of restoring the route in time for the rest of the spring climbing season.

Across the border in China's Tibet Autonomous Region, authorities said 25 people were killed by the quake, and 117 injured, when nearly 80 per cent of houses collapsed in the three counties of Gyirong, Nyalam and Tingri.

Military and rescue personnel had been dispatched to the area to clear roads, reach any survivors and tend to those made homeless, state-run Xinhua news agency reported.

Around 20 aftershocks had been felt in Tibet since Saturday's quake, the report said. Tremors were also felt across Nepal and in neighbouring India Tuesday, Indian broadcaster NDTV said.

Reporting by Pratibha Tuladhar

 
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6 Cops Busted, Expelled for Kidnapping Laotians

Objects confiscated from six police officers who have been accused of kidnapping a Laotian woman and her son in Nong Khai province, 27 April 2015.

NONG KHAI — Six police officers in northeastern Thailand have been arrested and expelled from the police force for allegedly kidnapping a Laotian businesswoman and her son.

With the help of two volunteer police officers, the six men kidnapped the victims and threatened their families to pay 2 million baht in ransom money, said Pol.Maj.Gen. Churat Pan-ngao, commander of Nong Khai Police.

According to Pol.Maj.Gen. Churat, the eight men approached the 55-year-old businesswoman, named Buachan Tantakaew, and her 14-year-old son while they were shopping at a mall in Nong Khai on 25 April. The officers then forced a bag into Buachan’s hand and said she and her son were under arrest for possessing narcotics, Pol.Maj.Gen. Churat said.

The group then reportedly brought Buachan and her son to a hotel and took photos of them with the bag of amphetamines. The officers told the victims their family had to pay 2 million baht in ransom money or else they would be prosecuted for the narcotics possession, Pol.Maj.Gen. Churat told reporters yesterday.

Instead, Buachan's husband alerted police in Nong Khai province. Pol.Maj.Gen. Churat said police tricked the men into arranging a venue for the ransom exchange, and arrested all of the suspects at the site.

The suspects are identified as Police Captain Surapat Pensri, Police Lieutenant Peerapong Tripong, Police Sub-Lieutenant Somdej Sukrom, Police Senior Sergeant Major Chainarong Orndee, Police Senior Sergeant Major Wirat Tanuchon, Police Senior Sergeant Major Pakorn Sukprasert, Thawat Thipsupha, and Tee Artsuwan. 

Police also confiscated seven handguns, one shotgun, 108 amphetamine tablets, and one packet of crystal methamphetamine from the officers.

The leader of the group, Pol.Capt. Surapat, has denied the allegations and told police his team was expanding an investigation into a drug arrest.

All of the arrested police officers are from Udon Thani police force, said Pol.Maj.Gen. Boonlert Chaipradit, commander of Fourth Region Police. He added that a special committee has been set up to handle the investigation and ensure impartiality. 

"I have already informed the commander of the Royal Thai Police about this. He has instructed me to proceed with the case strictly in accordance with the laws," Pol.Maj.Gen. Boonlert said, "Previously, there were reports that this group of Udon Thani police officers have been behaving badly. Now, this incident happened. They are police, yet they end up breaking the laws."

Pol.Maj.Gen. Boonlert said the six officers have been fired. 

All of the eight suspects have been charged with collecting bribes, illegal detention, kidnapping individuals under 14 for ransom, possessing firearm and ammunition without permit, carrying firearms into residential areas without due cause, possessing Category 1 narcotics with an intention to sell, and possessing Category 1 narcotics. 

 
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Marking the End of the Vietnam War: Two Sides of the Story

An archive photo shows children crying after a napalm attack on their village in 1972. Photo: UPI/dpa

HANOI (DPA) — The Vietnamese government calls it Liberation Day, but for Nguyen Van Hoang, a wiry man in his mid 60s, the events of April 30, 1975 had different connotations. He recalls the day his life changed forever with a wistful smile.

"I was stationed at a battlefield in the Central Highlands. I was sitting with some of the men when we heard that North Vietnamese troops had entered the presidential palace in Saigon. Later that day we surrendered."

Then 27, Hoang had risen to be an officer after joining the South Vietnamese army when he was 17.

"At the time I was only thinking about my men. The people say the bullet escapes you, not you escape the bullet. It's all about destiny."

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Veterans of the North Vietnamese army during events commemorating the 30th anniversary of the end of the Vietnam War in Phu Tho province, 100 kilomteres northwest of Hanoi, 20 April 2005. EPA/JULIAN ABRAM WAINWRIGHT

It was a momentous day: the end of the Vietnam War, as it is known in other countries, and the first day of an independent, unified nation under the Communist government. Saigon was renamed Ho Chi Minh City after North Vietnam's revolutionary leader.

In Ho Chi Minh City, the anniversary was to be marked with incense ceremonies, a special arts programme and a bicycle race anmong others.

But despite the official festivities, the topic remains divisive.

Nguyen Duc Gan, 67, was a North Vietnamese soldier during the war. He was taken prisoner in 1969 and kept in the notorious Phu Quoc island jail until the Paris Peace Accords in 1973.

"On April 30, 1975, I received the news from our commanding officers that Saigon was liberated while I was convalescing in a camp [outside Hanoi]. I was very happy at that time."

Gan says he believes the date should be celebrated, but in a way that would help Vietnam and the US become closer.

"We should not forget the past, we should remind young Vietnamese people about the loss of the war, but in a way that encourages young people to look at future."

He says the way the country has marked the day has changed over the years.

"State media do not talk much about the cruelty of soldiers from South Vietnam or the Americans, but focus on the bravery of northern soldiers.

This view rankles with some.

A sturdy-looking man with a strong Californian accent, who gave his name only as Thanh, was one of the hundreds of thousands of "boat people" who fled the country after the war.

He returns to Ho Chi Minh City sporadically to help poor veterans who fought for the South. He did not want to give his real name because he was concerned it would affect his chances of returning for another visit.

"I don't want to be here to see the official celebrations" on Thursday, he said. "For me and many others it is a very sad day. I will be back in the US then and will spend the day with some friends."

"South Vietnamese soldiers in general have been forgotten. Not just in Vietnam but overseas as well," says Nathalie Nguyen, a scholar from Monash University in Australia who has written about the experience of South Vietnamese veterans.

"From the point of view of the South, the North Vietnamese wanted the whole of Vietnam to be communist and the South resisted. This side of it hardly ever features in accounts of the war. It has been very much dominated by the United States. That's beginning to change slowly," she said.

"There was a whole generation of historians who very much dominated this aspect of the historiography. That's beginning to shift now. It's just distressing that for many of the veterans it's too late."

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A photo made available 27 April 2015 shows Vietnam War photojournalist Tim Page as he visits the War Remnants Museum in Ho Chi Minh, Vietnam 26 April 2015. EPA/LE QUANG NHAT

The government's partisan portrayal of history resonates with fewer people now, says political analyst and Vietnam expert Tuong Vu from the University of Oregon. This is partly because of the work of overseas Vietnamese who fled after the war.

"They are changing the minds of many Vietnamese about what the war was," he said. "At least part of it was civil war. They are persuading young Vietnamese, especially in south Vietnam, about that."

North Vietnamese veteran Gan says he believes it is not wrong to call it a civil war, but it was a civil war caused by foreign nations, not Vietnam.

"I think people still care about the anniversary of the end of the war now. It is one of the most important days of the nation. Without that day, there would be a no united Vietnam country now. Vietnam would be separated like North and South Korea."

Across the country veteran Hoang says life has been hard since the war ended. He spent nearly three years in a re-education camp and afterwards could not find a job at a state-run company.

"When you do paperwork at any official agency they won't do it for you. They say it's not enough, come back later. They won't say it's because you are a South Vietnamese soldier but I know that's the reason. The only paper I have is the re-education paper," he said.

"On April 30 I will feel sad because I am separate from normal people in society."

Reporting by Marianne Brown

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Marking the End of the Vietnam War: Two Sides of the Story

An archive photo shows children crying after a napalm attack on their village in 1972. Photo: UPI/dpa

HANOI (DPA) — The Vietnamese government calls it Liberation Day, but for Nguyen Van Hoang, a wiry man in his mid 60s, the events of April 30, 1975 had different connotations. He recalls the day his life changed forever with a wistful smile.

"I was stationed at a battlefield in the Central Highlands. I was sitting with some of the men when we heard that North Vietnamese troops had entered the presidential palace in Saigon. Later that day we surrendered."

Then 27, Hoang had risen to be an officer after joining the South Vietnamese army when he was 17.

"At the time I was only thinking about my men. The people say the bullet escapes you, not you escape the bullet. It's all about destiny."

\
Veterans of the North Vietnamese army during events commemorating the 30th anniversary of the end of the Vietnam War in Phu Tho province, 100 kilomteres northwest of Hanoi, 20 April 2005. EPA/JULIAN ABRAM WAINWRIGHT

It was a momentous day: the end of the Vietnam War, as it is known in other countries, and the first day of an independent, unified nation under the Communist government. Saigon was renamed Ho Chi Minh City after North Vietnam's revolutionary leader.

In Ho Chi Minh City, the anniversary was to be marked with incense ceremonies, a special arts programme and a bicycle race anmong others.

But despite the official festivities, the topic remains divisive.

Nguyen Duc Gan, 67, was a North Vietnamese soldier during the war. He was taken prisoner in 1969 and kept in the notorious Phu Quoc island jail until the Paris Peace Accords in 1973.

"On April 30, 1975, I received the news from our commanding officers that Saigon was liberated while I was convalescing in a camp [outside Hanoi]. I was very happy at that time."

Gan says he believes the date should be celebrated, but in a way that would help Vietnam and the US become closer.

"We should not forget the past, we should remind young Vietnamese people about the loss of the war, but in a way that encourages young people to look at future."

He says the way the country has marked the day has changed over the years.

"State media do not talk much about the cruelty of soldiers from South Vietnam or the Americans, but focus on the bravery of northern soldiers.

This view rankles with some.

A sturdy-looking man with a strong Californian accent, who gave his name only as Thanh, was one of the hundreds of thousands of "boat people" who fled the country after the war.

He returns to Ho Chi Minh City sporadically to help poor veterans who fought for the South. He did not want to give his real name because he was concerned it would affect his chances of returning for another visit.

"I don't want to be here to see the official celebrations" on Thursday, he said. "For me and many others it is a very sad day. I will be back in the US then and will spend the day with some friends."

"South Vietnamese soldiers in general have been forgotten. Not just in Vietnam but overseas as well," says Nathalie Nguyen, a scholar from Monash University in Australia who has written about the experience of South Vietnamese veterans.

"From the point of view of the South, the North Vietnamese wanted the whole of Vietnam to be communist and the South resisted. This side of it hardly ever features in accounts of the war. It has been very much dominated by the United States. That's beginning to change slowly," she said.

"There was a whole generation of historians who very much dominated this aspect of the historiography. That's beginning to shift now. It's just distressing that for many of the veterans it's too late."

\
A photo made available 27 April 2015 shows Vietnam War photojournalist Tim Page as he visits the War Remnants Museum in Ho Chi Minh, Vietnam 26 April 2015. EPA/LE QUANG NHAT

The government's partisan portrayal of history resonates with fewer people now, says political analyst and Vietnam expert Tuong Vu from the University of Oregon. This is partly because of the work of overseas Vietnamese who fled after the war.

"They are changing the minds of many Vietnamese about what the war was," he said. "At least part of it was civil war. They are persuading young Vietnamese, especially in south Vietnam, about that."

North Vietnamese veteran Gan says he believes it is not wrong to call it a civil war, but it was a civil war caused by foreign nations, not Vietnam.

"I think people still care about the anniversary of the end of the war now. It is one of the most important days of the nation. Without that day, there would be a no united Vietnam country now. Vietnam would be separated like North and South Korea."

Across the country veteran Hoang says life has been hard since the war ended. He spent nearly three years in a re-education camp and afterwards could not find a job at a state-run company.

"When you do paperwork at any official agency they won't do it for you. They say it's not enough, come back later. They won't say it's because you are a South Vietnamese soldier but I know that's the reason. The only paper I have is the re-education paper," he said.

"On April 30 I will feel sad because I am separate from normal people in society."

Reporting by Marianne Brown

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Myanmar Adds New Factory Per Week As Textile Sector Booms

YANGON (DPA) – Green collars piled to one side, white polo shirts to the other – the young woman handles them with practised ease, creating a precise seam with her humming sewing machine.

The garment in making then goes to the next station, where her co-worker applies a strip of green tape to the short sleeves.

A fan rotates the warm air where 400 women labour eight hours each weekday day – four on Saturday – in the Shweyi Zabe textile plant on the outskirts of Yangon.

"One new factory opened every week in 2014," Khine Khine Nwe, the secretary of the Myanmar Garment Makers Association (MGMA), tells dpa.

There are currently 200,000 workers in more than 300 factories. Neighbouring Bangladesh has around 4,000 textile factories.

"In 10 years we want to have 3,000 factories," she says. The aim is to increase exports from the current 1 billion dollars a year 10 times over and to provide a million jobs.

And investors are answering the call. Chinese, Taiwanese and South Korean companies are flooding into the country. Shweyi Zabe's boss Aye Aye Han complains that the competition is luring her workers away by offering a couple of dollars more.

The country is benefiting from the waning star of neighbouring Bangladesh, where the collapse of the Rana Plaza textile factory with more than 1,000 fatalities two years ago drew attention to poor working conditions in garment factories.

The timing is also good in the politics of Myanmar, which is opening up after decades under a closed military dictatorship. There is a sense of opportunity since a nominally civilian government came to power in 2011.

Garment makers in Myanmar "are evidently in the starting blocks," says Thomas Ballweg of a German fashion association. "I see real potential."

He notes that factories have apparently been well built, with only one or two floors – unlike Rana Plaza with its eight floors. The workrooms are clean and the supervisors open to ideas.

Christian Maag, who heads the German underwear company ESGE, with plants in Romania, Bulgaria, Greece and India, is helping Shweyi Zabe to modernize production in Myanmar.

ESGE has provided software for production planning and assisted with computer programmes to help cutting to reduce fabric waste.

"We raised our productivity 20 per cent in 2013," Aye Aye Han says.

But there is a long way to go. Estimates put Myanmar productivity at half that of China, where production rates are high, but so are wages.

The Verisk Maplecroft consultancy says labour costs are lower in Myanmar than anywhere else in the world. Clothing companies like Gap, H&M and Adidas are already producing here.

"It's a kind of development aid, but with a business motivation," Maag says. "If things go well, we will place orders."

A trial run has proved reasonably successful, with scope for expansion, and Maag is convinced that "the textile sector has a future here."

Smart Myanmar, an EU project, is helping to build up a sustainable textile industry in Myanmar with the aim of secure jobs and good working conditions, along with conserving energy, recycling waste and cutting water consumption.

The head of the project is Simone Lehmann of Sequa, an organization of German industrial associations with the German GIZ development aid agency.

"Our focus is on small and medium-sized enterprises," she says. "We are supporting 16 of the 80 factories with local management."

Lars Droemer, sustainability manager at Swedish fashion company Lindex, is also optimistic on Myanmar.

He praises the code of conduct agreed by the textile sector, which bans employing children younger than 15, guarantees a minimum wage, restricts working hours to a maximum of 60 hours a week and allows trade unions.

"We are interested in Myanmar, because we were able to help set up the standards from the start," he says. Lindex operates according to the principle "People – Planet – Profit," in that order, he says.

Promoting local industry is part of the sustainability drive. "Foreign companies take down their factories [and relocate] when operations become cheaper somewhere else, but local employers do not," Droemer says.

The smaller Myanmar companies have yet to master the full production chain. At present they sew and package, but the big clients want a complete service, from supplying fabric and thread to dealing with customs and loading for shipment.

The MGMA is working in this direction. "We need textile weaving plants in Myanmar, and our companies need financing, duty-free imports of goods for re-export and we need more trained seamstresses," Aye Aye Han says.

Ballweg is confident. "Myanmar is today where Bangladesh was 10 years ago," he says. "But things develop three times more quickly today.

 

 

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The AIIB and Global Governance

By Andrew Sheng and Xiao Geng

HONG KONG – Despite official American and Japanese opposition, 57 countries have opted to be among the founding members of the China-led Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB). Regardless of what naysayers believe, this remarkable turn of events can only benefit global economic governance.

According to former US Treasury Secretary Larry Summers, the AIIB’s establishment “may be remembered as the moment the United States lost its role as the underwriter of the global economic system.” Asia Development Bank (ADB) President Takehiko Nakao, by contrast, does not believe that there will be a “major change to the world of development finance,” though he conceded that “there can be interpretations as to the symbolic meaning of this.”

Who is right will depend largely on the decisions that the AIIB’s top shareholders make regarding its operating structure. So far, the AIIB has not sought to amend the principle that the largest contributor to a multilateral organization gets the largest say in running it. Just as the US dominates the World Bank and Europe leads the International Monetary Fund, China will head the AIIB.

This implies a larger global leadership role for China – which the world, including its traditional powers, should welcome. After all, global leadership is not just a matter of might; it also reflects the provision of global public goods.

When World War II ended, the US, aside from being the world’s leading military and economic power, was the largest provider of such goods, through the Marshall Plan, support for the United Nations, and contributions to the Bretton Woods institutions (the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank). But massive debts have lately undermined the ability of the US – not to mention Europe and Japan – to continue making such large contributions. Fortunately, China is willing and able to fill the gap.

In fact, China might have done so within the Bretton Woods institutions, were the distribution of voting rights within them not skewed so heavily toward the incumbents, who still enjoy veto power. For example, China has a 3.8% voting share in the IMF and World Bank, even though it accounts for more than 12% of world GDP. The United Kingdom and France – which are one-third the size of China – each have a 4.3% share. With the incumbents unwilling to bring China’s voting share in line with its economic might, China had little choice but to launch its own institution.

But the AIIB has its own objectives, which do not align precisely with those of, say, the World Bank. Specifically, the bank is a critical element of China’s “one belt, one road” strategy, which encompasses two initiatives: the overland Silk Road Economic Belt, connecting China to Europe, and the 21st Century Maritime Silk Road, linking China to Southeast Asia, the Middle East, and Europe. While the US “pivots” to the east, China is pirouetting west, applying the lessons of its development to its trading partners across Eurasia and beyond.

Perhaps the most important of these lessons is that connectivity is vital to economic growth. Over the last three decades, the construction of roads, railways, ports, airports, and telecommunications systems in China has fostered trade, attracted investment, and, by linking the country’s land-locked western and southern provinces to its more prosperous coastal areas, helped to reduce regional disparities.

China’s Silk Road initiative, which aims to boost prosperity among China’s trading partners largely through infrastructure investment, is a logical next step – one on which China is spending significantly. In addition to its initial contribution of up to $50 billion to the AIIB, China has committed $40 billion to its Silk Road Fund, $32 billion to the China Development Bank, and $30 billion to the Export-Import Bank of China.

According to estimates by HSBC, the “one belt, one road” initiative could end up costing as much as $232 billion – just under two-thirds of the World Bank’s balance sheet in 2014. The $100 billion AIIB will play a central role in this effort.

Given massive global demand for infrastructure finance – which, according to ADB estimates, will amount to $8 trillion in Asia alone over the next decade – the AIIB should not be considered a threat to the World Bank, the ADB, or other multilateral lenders. Nonetheless, it will compete with them, owing to its distinctive – and probably more efficient – approach to lending.

In fact, the AIIB’s operations will most likely resemble those of the World Bank in the 1960s, when engineers with hands-on development experience dominated the staff and could design lending conditions that worked for borrowers. In the late 1980s, the World Bank began to implement the Washington Consensus, pushing for economic and political liberalization, without sufficient regard for local political or economic realities. The result was conditional lending, with terms – created mostly by policy wonks – that many developing-country borrowers could not meet (at least not without hiring consultants to adjust their official reporting).

The acid test of the AIIB’s effectiveness will be its governance model. One failing of the Bretton Wood institutions is their full-time shareholder boards of directors, which tend to undermine effectiveness by micro-managing and often requesting conflicting lending conditions. The World Bank has wasted far too much time re-organizing itself under various presidents, without recognizing the fundamental problem with its own governance structure. 

Even if the AIIB does not deliver as promised, its establishment is an important reminder that in a fast-changing world, economic governance cannot remain stagnant. If Western leaders really do believe in innovation, competition, and meritocracy, they should welcome the AIIB. 

Andrew Sheng is Distinguished Fellow of the Fung Global Institute and a member of the UNEP Advisory Council on Sustainable Finance. Xiao Geng is Director of Research at the Fung Global Institute.

Copyright: Project Syndicate, 2015.
www.project-syndicate.org

 

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Navy Camp Tackles Student Gang Fights

Vocational school students at an 0rientation camp on a Navy base in Chonburi, 27 April 2015.

CHONBURI — More than 400 incoming students at vocational schools in Chonburi province are attending a 3-week orientation camp organized by the Royal Thai Navy to reduce problems of gang rivalry.

The activities are being held on a Navy base in Sattahip district and are jointly overseen by the Vocational Education Commission (VEC), the Royal Thai Navy, and the Royal Thai Marine Corps, said Krittithorn Sukkamol, director of VEC's office in Chonburi. 

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Vocational school students at an 0rientation camp on a Navy base in Chonburi [Photo: VEC].

According to Krittithorn, the 466 students, most of whom are entering the tenth grade, will be staying at the camp from 20 April to 9 May to receive training and lectures from Navy drill sergeants to instill discipline, morality, ethics, and a sense of unity.

Many vocational schools and polytechnic colleges in Thailand are known for long-running rivalries that can lead to gang violence, sometimes resulting in injuries and deaths.  

"I am confident that this program can [adjust] their behavior and solve problem of student fights," Krittithorn said today. "Even though we cannot prevent it 100 percent, but after everyone has gone through lessons in the program and training by the Navy drill instructors, they will be disciplined and have restraint."

She added, "Furthermore, since children from many schools are staying in the same camp, getting to know each other, and forming love and bonds with fellow vocational students of the same age, many problems that happened in the past will be gone." 

The course also offers classes on developing career skills, Krittithorn said.

Parents and families of camp attendees were allowed to visit the students and picnic with them for several hours today. 

In September 2014, junta chairman and Prime Minister Prayuth Chan-ocha said one of the priorities of his military government is to end student gang fights. Gen. Prayuth warned that any college that fails to curb gang violence could be shut down by the authorities. 

Related coverage:
Teen Gangs Trade Gunshots, Burn Vehicles in Ranong Town Center
BKK Students Killed In Suspected Gang Assassination

 

 

 
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Redshirt TV Channel Ordered Off the Air

Redshirt leader Jatuporn Prompan on Peace TV, 27 April 2015.

BANGKOK — A Redshirt-run television station has been permanently canceled after Thai authorities decided its news coverage was politically divisive and could "incite unrest."

The decision was announced by Natee Sukonrat, deputy chairperson of the National Broadcasting and Telecommunication Commission (NBTC), on his official Twitter account today. 

\
Redshirt leader Nattawut Saikua on Peace TV in January 2015. 

The station, called Peace TV, was previously suspended for a week in April after the NBTC said its news coverage violated the ruling junta's Order No. 97, which forbids media from fomenting violence or causing "divisions in the Kingdom."

The station, which is operated by the largely anti-coup Redshirt movement, often featured core Redshirt leaders like Jatuporn Prompan and Nattawut Saikua. 

NBTC member Natee said today that the channel violated its agreement not to air politically divisive content.

"The NBTC has carefully deliberated on the action and concluded that it is a repeated offense," Natee wrote on Twitter. 

However, another member of the NBTC also took to Twitter to voice her opposition to the board's decision to revoke Peace TV's license. Supinya Klangnarong said she was the lone member to vote against the measure.

In series of Twitter posts, Supinya explained that the NBTC can choose from a variety of punishments, such as suspending the offending talk shows. Yet, the NBTC "skipped" all other possible measures and shut down Peace TV for good, an punishment she called "disproportionate."

"I agree that, by principle, the NBTC should increase its effort to regulate TV channels to prevent the problem of reproducing hatred and incitement, but it should be proportionate," Supinya wrote. "We should not just jump from not using power to using power in the highest way."

According to Supinya, Peace TV has recently focused on discussing the draft of the new constitution, which was written by a junta-appointed body, and a car bomb in the southern island of Koh Samui last month. 

"From what I have listened, Peace TV does not use rude language like another channel that belongs to the same political group. The content may be seen as criticizing the state power with a skeptical viewpoint," Supinya wrote. 

Core Redshirt leader a co-founder of Peace TV Nattawut Saikua said he will appeal the NBTC's order in Administrative Court and seek an injunction. 

"Peace TV is a private organization that does its business legally," Nattawut wrote in an official statement. "This motion does not only affect the rights and liberty, but also affects business of the station. Therefore, our legal team is using legal channel to defend our station." 

He also said he believes the NBTC, which has yet to formaly notify the channel, has been plotting to shut down Peace TV from the beginning.

"It's like they gave us yellow card first to build some legitimacy for giving us red card later," Nattawut said. "I don't understand those in power right now. The current situation requires diverse opinions to benefit the drafting of the constitution and create reconciliation, but they end up blocking a channel that voices different opinions. It means the opinions of certain people that do not match those in power will be rejected. With thing like this happening, how could this country move to democracy?"

Both of Thailand’s Redshirt and Yellowshirt movements operate their own TV and radio channels featuring news programs and live broadcasts of their political rallies. Media agencies affiliated with the two groups played significant roles in the pro- and anti-government rallies last year that culminated in the May 2014 coup.

On 20 May 2014, then-army chief Gen. Prayuth Chan-ocha unilaterally imposed martial law and ordered all partisan media agencies to shut down. Two days later, the general staged a coup d'etat and toppled the Redshirt-backed government. 

The partisan media outlets were later allowed to resume operations under the conditions that they change the names of their stations and adhere to the junta's guidelines. The junta has also enforced a ban on political gatherings and protests in an effort to promote "national reconciliation." 

Critics say the junta is particularly bent on curbing the influence of the Redshirt movement, which has commanded the polls and elected majorities in congress in every national election for the past decade. 

 

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Redshirt TV Channel Ordered Off the Air

Core Redshirt Nattawut Saikua on Peace TV in 28 Jan 2015.

BANGKOK — A Redshirt-run television station has been permanently canceled after Thai authorities decided its news coverage was politically divisive and could "incite unrest."

The decision was announced by Natee Sukonrat, deputy chairperson of the National Broadcasting and Telecommunication Commission (NBTC), on his official Twitter account today. 

The station, called Peace TV, was previously suspended for a week in April after the NBTC said its news coverage violated the ruling junta's Order No. 97, which forbids media from fomenting violence or causing "divisions in the Kingdom."

The station, which is operated by the largely anti-coup Redshirt movement, often featured core Redshirt leaders like Jatuporn Prompan and Nattawut Saikua. 

NBTC member Natee said today that the channel violated its agreement not to air politically divisive content.

"The NBTC has carefully deliberated on the action and concluded that it is a repeated offense," Natee wrote on Twitter. 

However, another member of the NBTC also took to Twitter to voice her opposition to the board's decision to revoke Peace TV's license. Supinya Klangnarong said she was the lone member to vote against the measure.

In series of Twitter posts, Supinya explained that the NBTC can choose from a variety of punishments, such as suspending the offending talk shows. Yet, the NBTC "skipped" all other possible measures and shut down Peace TV for good, an punishment she called "disproportionate."

"I agree that, by principle, the NBTC should increase its effort to regulate TV channels to prevent the problem of reproducing hatred and incitement, but it should be proportionate," Supinya wrote. "We should not just jump from not using power to using power in the highest way."

According to Supinya, Peace TV has recently focused on discussing the draft of the new constitution, which was written by a junta-appointed body, and a car bomb in the southern island of Koh Samui last month. 

"From what I have listened, Peace TV does not use rude language like another channel that belongs to the same political group. The content may be seen as criticizing the state power with a skeptical viewpoint," Supinya wrote. 

Core Redshirt leader a co-founder of Peace TV Nattawut Saikua said he will appeal the NBTC's order in Administrative Court and seek an injunction. 

"Peace TV is a private organization that does its business legally," Nattawut wrote in an official statement. "This motion does not only affect the rights and liberty, but also affects business of the station. Therefore, our legal team is using legal channel to defend our station." 

He also said he believes the NBTC, which has yet to formaly notify the channel, has been plotting to shut down Peace TV from the beginning.

"It's like they gave us yellow card first to build some legitimacy for giving us red card later," Nattawut said. "I don't understand those in power right now. The current situation requires diverse opinions to benefit the drafting of the constitution and create reconciliation, but they end up blocking a channel that voices different opinions. It means the opinions of certain people that do not match those in power will be rejected. With thing like this happening, how could this country move to democracy?"

Both of Thailand’s Redshirt and Yellowshirt movements operate their own TV and radio channels featuring news programs and live broadcasts of their political rallies. Media agencies affiliated with the two groups played significant roles in the pro- and anti-government rallies last year that culminated in the May 2014 coup.

On 20 May 2014, then-army chief Gen. Prayuth Chan-ocha unilaterally imposed martial law and ordered all partisan media agencies to shut down. Two days later, the general staged a coup d'etat and toppled the Redshirt-backed government. 

The partisan media outlets were later allowed to resume operations under the conditions that they change the names of their stations and adhere to the junta's guidelines. The junta has also enforced a ban on political gatherings and protests in an effort to promote "national reconciliation." 

Critics say the junta is particularly bent on curbing the influence of the Redshirt movement, which has commanded the polls and elected majorities in congress in every national election for the past decade. 

 

For comments, or corrections to this article please contact: [email protected]

You can also find Khaosod English on Twitter and Facebook
http://twitter.com/KhaosodEnglish
http://www.facebook.com/KhaosodEnglish

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