BANGKOK — Where would we journalists be without Dear Leader Prayuth Chan-ocha’s colourful soundbites and awkward photo-ops? Here’s a list of our favorite and not-so-favorite moments featuring the junta chairman from the past year:

1. The Athletic Leader

Gen. Prayuth isn’t a typical, boring politician who sits in his Government House all the time. Throughout 2015 he has displayed his uncanny talents in many fields, such as the sucker-kicking a kickboxer…

making a hat out of a paper krathong…

showing off his swordsmanship…

and driving a tuk-tuk for a Miss Universe contestant.

Take that, Vladimir Putin. 

2. Inspired by Lincoln

Gen. Prayuth might be an autocratic leader who came to power by staging a coup against an elected government, but that does not stop him from having anadmiration for U.S. President Abraham Lincoln. Or at least the depiction of Mr. Lincoln in the 2012 Spielberg movie. 

In May, the general confided to reporters that he was inspired by Lincoln’s long effort to abolish slavery, and even more so by his opinion on protests:

"I also like his other quote about how people's protests are not wrong; insurrection is wrong."

3. 99 Percent Democracy

Quick – from the scale of 0 – 100, how democratic do you think Thailand is? NGOs like Freedom House and Reporters Without Borders think we are sliding back to the Dark Age, but Prayuth has other ideas: We are 99 percent democratic! In fact, the general said in March, we even have too much democracy:

"Our country has seen so much trouble because we have had too much democracy, unlike other countries where the government has more power to restrict freedom. Even the media can’t criticize [those leaders], like they do here. I insist that today, we are 99 percent democratic, because I didn't overthrow democracy at all." 

4. Media freedom, Thai-style 

On National Media Day in March, Gen. Prayuth shares with reporters his wisdom about what kind of ethics the press should uphold and what their mission should be:

"This morning, someone said the media needs to be impartial. No. I don't think they should say that. It isn't good. What they should say is, first, the media should report news that is factual. Second, they should support the government's efforts to move the country forward. And third, they should help reduce conflicts in society, and create understanding about the government's policies that give clear results. Can you not do these three or four things together, dears?"

While they’re at it, they should also refrain from reporting about any negative news that may affect Thailand’s reputation, the general told reporters several weeks later. The comment came when Channel 3 TV started an investigative report into human trafficking. Prayuth wasn’t pleased with the coverage because it could hurt national interests:

"The media should consider the impact the news will have on the country. It may cause problems, and affect national security … If this news gets widely published, [it could raise] problems of human trafficking and IUU [Illegal, Unreported and Unregulated Fishing]."

5. Execution, maybe?

When some of those pesky reporters failed to adhere to the Dear Leader’s commandments, Prayuth joked that he would just solve the problem once and for all by executing dissenting journalists.

“Execution, maybe? You ask silly questions. Just don't do actions [that warrant punishment]. Be cautious. The media has to exercise their judgment. Have some ethics. You keep calling for ethics. But they don’t know how to use ethics. They don't use them.”

The remark was widely reported by foreign media agencies, but often omitted was the fact that Prayuth was also very specific about the method of his execution: a dog-headed guillotine, like the one reputed to have been used by Chinese Judge Bao (999 – 1062) to kill convicted commoners:

“I will use a dog-headed execution device. I will deal with the media. But I still love them. Please, help me out. Don't make excuses for me, please just help me build love and unity.” 

While International media watchdogs responded to Prayuth’s ‘joke’ with fury, the National Press Council only meekly advised Prayuth to respect the Thai media’s internal regulations. 

6. The phantom menace 

In May, Prayuth reminded Thais why he seized power over a year ago. Apparently there is a sinister movement hell-bent on corrupting the army and the monarchy, in order to achieve its alleged conspiracy to take over Thailand: 

"Thai people must love each other, but still some evil people like to distort information about the monarchy. And everyone believes it … People who don't know and don't understand fall for these lies. People who insult the monarchy right now may not be great in number, but they belong to a movement of people who want power and seek personal gain. There are only two things that they want to control, but they cannot do so: the military and the monarchy. If they can destroy these two things, they will definitely be able take over Thailand. It will be done by someone that all of you know, but I don't want to say out loud who this person is."

7. Criticize me at your own risk

In November, Prayuth clarified that progressive academics who criticized his military regime were, of course, welcome to do so. However, he wouldn’t be able to guarantee their safety, though: 

“If they want to engage in activism or whatever, it’s up to them. If they aren’t afraid of the laws, it’s up to them. I don’t know about them. If the people want to join them, and then get in trouble for it, it’s up to them. And if someone finds a gun and shoots them, or throws grenades at them, well, they have to live with that. If they aren’t afraid, it’s up to them.”

To his credit, he quickly added that he wasn’t personally threatening those lecturers:

“But it wouldn’t be me, because I would never do such a thing.”

8. Un-Thai activities 

There are several things that can disqualify you from being a Thai citizen. One of them is fleeing Thailand after being charged with lese majeste, according to Prayuth in June: 

"Since he fled this country to another, it shows that he is no longer a Thai and he cannot stay in Thailand.” 

9. The Open-Minded Autocrat

Sure, with his suppression of civil rights and media freedom, Prayuth might be the most autocratic leader of Thailand for over a decade, but that doesn’t mean the general ignores the voices of the people. For instance, Prayuth said he kept an open mind to a petition from hardline conservative activists who wanted him to stay in power for five more years: 

"I'm so-so. If they want me to stay, I will do it. I won't stay by using power. If everyone wants me to stay, I will stay, I will do it for you. But you have to help shield me from domestic and external [pressures] – the accusations that I want to hold on to my power. I don't want power, because I don't have anything to gain from this. I only want to make this country better."

If he does stay for five more years in office, Prayuth will become the longest-serving military dictator in Thailand since the end of the 1970s. 

10. Don’t trust everything the media says

Lastly, the general reportedly gave some friendly advice to the Leader of the Free World during an international summit In November: that he shouldn’t believe news about human rights abuse in Thailand:

“I insisted to [US President Barack Obama] that I’m already trying to take care of these issues, but they were really [the results of] news presented by people with bad intentions. Sometimes, these reports were presented without any facts, so it led to misunderstanding.” 

No word on whether Mr.Obama took the advice. But hopefully he will pass along the useful tip to his successor who may have to deal with Gen. Prayuth in the next few years, be it Bernie Sanders, Hillary Clinton or Donald Trump. 

Can you imagine Prayuth and Trump giving a press conference in the same room? We call dibs on the first press pass for that one. 

To reach us about this article or another matter, please contact us by e-mail at: [email protected].

BANGKOK – Here's our list of the most defining moments of the past year, as covered by our publication:

1.  The year of living under the dictator’s laws

Hopes were kindled when junta chairman Prayuth Chan-ocha, announced early this year that he was willing to repeal martial law, which had been in place nationwide since May 22, 2014. However, the junta chief lifted martial law in April only to replace it with an even more draconian power: the invocation of Article 44 of the interim constitution.

The clause allows Prayuth to make an order to disrupt or suppress any act that “undermines public peace and order or national security, the Monarchy, national economics or administration of State affairs, whether that act emerges inside or outside the Kingdom.” Any orders issued by Prayuth under Article 44 are considered legally-binding by default without any civilian oversight – a classic definition of a dictatorial power. 

Article 44 ended up serving as a martial law under another name, permitting soldiers to detain suspects and search properties without warrants, and serve as laws enforcement officials alongside police.

Armed with the constitutional clause, Prayuth made no pretense about who’s calling the shots in the juntaland. With the mere mention of his near-absolute power under Article 44, the general set up committees, enacted far-reaching policies and transferred bureaucrats at will. Laws issued under the Article range from setting up a special economic zone to cracking down on young street racers. 

Further repressive enactments under Article 44 may also await us in 2016, after police threatened to curb political discussion on social media with the clause. 

2.  Progressive activists take the helm while Pheu Thai slinks back

After losing power in the May 2014 coup, Pheu Thai Party has been forced to the sidelines of the political arena. The party’s retreat is partly due to the junta’s relentless ban on political activities and intimidation of key Pheu Thai politicians. Meanwhile, top leaders of the Pheu Thai party, including former Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra himself, repeatedly showed they had no stomach for a fight with the military regime. Not until a new election anyway. 

In the absence of the political machinery of Pheu Thai, the job of resisting the junta’s rule falls onto a small group of pro-democracy, progressive activists who are not members of the traditional Redshirt movement. 

Groups like the Thai Student Center for Democracy, New Democracy Movement, Dao Din, Resistant Citizens, and New Isaan Movementbravely risk arrests, trial under martial law and jail terms in the David-vs-Goliath campaign against the junta. They held marches and gatherings as much as they can under the ban on protest, while keeping an active presence on social media. 

When the junta pushed for a “single gateway” to control Internet traffic in and out of Thailand, geeks and online activists united to oppose the plan. Under the campaign “F5 Cyber Army,” they managed to disrupt major government websites and highlighted vulnerability of the state’s internet infrastructure. The junta eventually shelved the plan for the single gateway – officially.
 
Although the regime remains as well-entrenched as ever, these activists’ contributions for free speech in Thailand won admiration from many peers, both domestically and overseas. 

3. The unspeakable Purge 

 
In October, police abruptly announced a crackdown on a group of individuals who allegedly exploited ties to the Royal Family for their own gains. 

Four people were arrested, charged with lese majeste (insulting the monarchy) and placed in military custody. The suspects included palace aide Suriyan Sujaritpalawong and police officer Prakrom Warunprapha, who both died of mysterious circumstances in their cells. A number of police and military officers were also implicated in the alleged imposter ring, including former palace bodyguard Pisitsak Seniwong na Ayutthaya. 

No one knew for sure what the suspects were accused of, but a frenzy of speculation and rumors spread on social media. The media was kept strictly shut out of the discussion, however; the authorities placed a blanket ban on news coverage about the crackdown that does not come from official statements or authorized disclosures. 

The purge also ‘spilled over’ into accusations that some military officers were involved in corruption behind the construction of a monument complex calledRajabhakti Park. Again, no one knew for sure who first blew the whistle, nor out of what motive, but the park scandal will likely continue into 2016.

4. Record jail term for lese majeste

Discussion of the monarchy has always been outlawed and considered a taboo for the past few decades in Thailand, where lese majeste (insulting the Royal Family) is punishable by up to 15 years in prison. But the law has been more and more strictly enforced since the royalist military regime came to power in May 2014. 

 August saw a record-breaking sentence for lese majeste charges. A man from Kanchanaburi province was sentenced to 30 years in prison, while a woman from Chiang Mai was given a 28-year jail term. Their offenses? Facebook posts that reportedly defamed the monarchy. 

New lows of the law’s harsh enforcement continue to be made. Just this month, a man was arrested and slapped with a lese majeste charge for writing a sarcastic remark about the King’s dog, Thong Daeng. Police also reiterated that anyone who “likes” or “shares” Facebook posts that carry sensitive contents will be liable for prosecution. 

In spite of condemnation from various human rights organizations, including the United Nations, the junta insisted that the draconian lese majeste law is justified to maintain the dignity of the Royal Family. 

5.  Erawan Shrine bombing

On the evening of Aug. 17, Bangkok faced its worst terror attack in living memory. 20 people from six nations were killed and hundreds injured when a bomb struck the popular Erawan Shrine in downtown Bangkok. 

Only two Uighur men have been arrested and sent to stand trial so far, while15 other suspects wanted by police remain on the run. Yet, police declared the case closed in October, and the authorities announced no progress on the rest of the suspects since. 

The investigation was also marked by the Thai authorities’ apparent rush to convince the world that it was “business as usual” in Bangkok. The crime scene was quickly cleaned up within 48 hours after the bombing. Foreign celebritieswere hired to tour the shrine. Even terrorism was not included in the charges against the two suspects, likely due to the government’s reluctance to acknowledge the bombing as a terror attack. 

In line with the Thai government’s effort to erase the “bad memory” of the attack on Erawan Shrine, there is no plan for any memorial to honor the victims. As a remedy to this enforced amnesia, Khaosod English published a story in memory of those who died in the senseless attack. We also released an article penned by our correspondent from Butterworth, Malaysia, where a family was forever changed by the killings on Aug. 17. 

6. Thai industries came under scrutiny

After years of negligence and corruption, authorities were forced to clean up their dirty acts in some national industries this year. The wake-up call came when ICAO and the European Union warned that Thailand may be punished for their failures to regulate its aviation and fishing industries, respectively. 

NGOs also disclosed serious violations of human rights in the seafood businesses, namely the use of slave labor and widespread tolerance of human trafficking. 

While serious punishments were eventually averted, the threats highlighted the need for a long-delayed reform in the Thai economic system, in order to comply with both domestic and international laws, and satisfy concerns from human rights watchdogs.  

7.  A sad end to the human trafficking crackdown

With the discovery of slave camps that held trafficked refugees in southern Thailand, authorities could no longer pretend not to notice the crisis of human trafficking in the region like they have been doing for years.  

Police Maj. Gen. Paween Pongsirin was appointed the head of the task force to crack down on the illicit trade. He was told by the junta not to spare anyone. So he went to work. His team was responsible for the arrests and prosecution of over 80 suspects, including a high-ranking army general. Compared to years of silence and impunity, this was unprecedented. 

So it came as a sick joke when Paween ended up losing his job, because he was actually doing his job. He was first transferred to southern Thailand, which would leave him open to revenge from the criminal syndicates that he spent months trying to dismantle. His plea to the police force was ignored, forcing him to quit his job for the sake of his own safety. Paween later relocated to Australia, where he is applying for asylum. 

The sad case of Paween only served as a warning for investigating others who cannot be touched in Thailand. 

8. One man Prohibition crusade

When an avowed Buddhist who publicly denounced alcohol, seeing it as a moral sin, was put in charge of the country’s alcohol control board, things went down exactly as anyone might imagine.  

As the head of Alcohol Control Board, Samarn Futrakul went on a rampage with the aim of limiting the sale and visibility of alcohol. His achievements include: a new law that bans alcohol producers from promising positive effects, aconfusing ban on alcohol sales near schools and threats to prosecute anyone who shares photos of alcohol on social media. 

In the end, it appears that Samarn has overextended his reach. He was publicly chided by junta chairman Prayuth Chan-ocha himself, after he expressed his wish to bring an end to beer gardens – an annual gold mine for Thailand’s major beer corporations. Samarn faded from public view soon afterwards. 

9.  Road kill and impunity 

Apparently you can kill a police officer in a car accident and walk away from the crime scene without any charge or an alcohol test. 

That’s exactly what happened in July, when actress Anna Hambawaris (aka Anna Reese), was allowed to go home and have some rest after she crashed into a car containing a sleeping police officer. By the time she showed up at the police station the next day, any trace of alcohol that might have been in her blood system would have already dissipated. 

The story was widely shared on social media, largely because many felt it was another example of  double-standards in laws enforcement. Many ordinary, poorer citizens don’t even get a lawyer when police come after them. 

Anna later went on to make a claim at the officer’s funeral that his ghost forgave her. No word on what the ghost might have said about compensation though; Anna bulked at paying the compensation to the officer’s family for two months, before both parties finally agreed on an undisclosed sum. 

10. Bangkok cops win Ig Nobel prize

Finally, let us give a round of applause to the Bangkok Metropolitan Police Bureau, who won an Ig Nobel prize for its innovative idea of paying cops not to take bribes. The strategy is also known as rewarding people for doing their job and obeying the laws of the land. 

The no-bribery reward, which was eventually shelved just weeks after it was implemented, again reminds us of the surreal logic shared by the top commanders of the Thai police force.

If we need any more proof of the wonderful bubble the top police brass is living in, don’t forget that the Bangkok police chief also lashed out at his own subordinates for doing their job: Pol.Lt.Gen. Sriwarah Rangsipramkul was so offended when he was asked to take a breathalyzer test for alcohol in his system at a police checkpoint in July. 

To reach us about this article or another matter, please contact us by e-mail at: [email protected].